Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United States-Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act, 49639-49642 [2022-17215]
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Federal Register / Vol. 87, No. 154 / Thursday, August 11, 2022 / Notices
SMALL BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION
[Disaster Declaration #17546 and #17547;
Kentucky Disaster Number KY–00093]
Presidential Declaration Amendment of
a Major Disaster for the State of
Kentucky
Small Business Administration.
Amendment 2.
AGENCY:
ACTION:
This is an amendment of the
Presidential declaration of a major
disaster for the State of Kentucky
(FEMA–4663–DR), dated 07/30/2022.
Incident: Severe Storms, Flooding,
Landslides, and Mudslides.
Incident Period: 07/26/2022 and
continuing.
DATES: Issued on 08/04/2022.
Physical Loan Application Deadline
Date: 09/28/2022.
Economic Injury (EIDL) Loan
Application Deadline Date: 05/01/2023.
ADDRESSES: Submit completed loan
applications to: U.S. Small Business
Administration, Processing and
Disbursement Center, 14925 Kingsport
Road, Fort Worth, TX 76155.
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: A.
Escobar, Office of Disaster Assistance,
U.S. Small Business Administration,
409 3rd Street SW, Suite 6050,
Washington, DC 20416, (202) 205–6734.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The notice
of the President’s major disaster
declaration for the State of Kentucky,
dated 07/30/2022, is hereby amended to
include the following areas as adversely
affected by the disaster:
Primary Counties (Physical Damage and
Economic Injury Loans): Owsley.
Contiguous Counties (Economic Injury
Loans Only): No Additional
Contiguous Counties.
All other information in the original
declaration remains unchanged.
SUMMARY:
(Catalog of Federal Domestic Assistance
Number 59008)
Joshua Barnes,
Acting Associate Administrator for Disaster
Assistance.
[FR Doc. 2022–17244 Filed 8–10–22; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 8026–09–P
SMALL BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION
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Meeting of the Advisory Committee on
Veterans Business Affairs
AGENCY:
Small Business Administration
(SBA).
Notice of open federal advisory
committee meeting.
ACTION:
The SBA is issuing this notice
to announce the date, time, and agenda
SUMMARY:
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for a meeting of the Advisory Committee
on Veterans Business Affairs (ACVBA).
DATES: Thursday, September 8, 2022,
from 9:00 a.m. to 3:30 p.m. EST.
ADDRESSES: Due to the coronavirus
pandemic, the meeting will be held via
Microsoft Teams using a call-in number
listed below.
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: The
meeting is open to the public; however
advance notice of attendance is strongly
encouraged. To RSVP and confirm
attendance, the general public should
email veteransbusiness@sba.gov with
subject line—‘‘RSVP for September 8,
2022, ACVBA Public Meeting.’’ To
submit a written comment, individuals
should email veteransbusiness@sba.gov
with subject line—‘‘Response for
September 8, 2022, ACVBA Public
Meeting’’ no later than August 29, 2022,
or contact Timothy Green, Deputy
Associate Administrator, Office of
Veterans Business Development (OVBD)
at (202) 205–6773. Comments received
in advanced will be addressed as time
allows during the public comment
period. All other submitted comments
will be included in the meeting record.
During the live meeting, those who wish
to comment will be able to do so during
the public comment period.
Participants can join the meeting via
computer https://bit.ly/SeptACVBA2022
or by phone. Call in (audio only): Dial:
202–765–1264: Phone Conference ID:
947 720 437#.
Special accommodation requests
should be directed to OVBD at (202)
205–6773 or veteransbusiness@sba.gov.
All applicable documents will be posted
on the ACVBA website prior to the
meeting: https://www.sba.gov/page/
advisory-committee-veterans-businessaffairs. For more information on
veteran-owned small business programs,
please visit www.sba.gov/ovbd.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Pursuant
to section 10(a)(2) of the Federal
Advisory Committee Act (5 U.S.C.,
appendix 2), SBA announces the
meeting of the Advisory Committee on
Veterans Business Affairs. The ACVBA
is established pursuant to 15 U.S.C.
657(b) note and serves as an
independent source of advice and
policy. The purpose of this meeting is
to discuss efforts that support veteranowned small businesses, updates on
past and current events, and the
ACVBA’s objectives for fiscal year 2022.
Dated: August 5, 2022.
Andrienne Johnson,
Committee Management Officer.
[FR Doc. 2022–17246 Filed 8–10–22; 8:45 am]
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49639
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
[Public Notice: 11815]
Report to Congress Pursuant to
Section 353(b) of the United States—
Northern Triangle Enhanced
Engagement Act
ACTION:
Notice of report.
This report on Corrupt and
Undemocratic Actors is submitted in
fulfilment of the State Department’s
congressional reporting requirement for
2022 regarding foreign persons who
have knowingly engaged in actions that
undermine democratic processes or
institutions, significant corruption, or
obstruction of such corruption in El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras
pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United
States—Northern Triangle Enhanced
Engagement Act. On November 10,
2021, the president signed the
Reinforcing Nicaragua’s Adherence to
Conditions for Electoral Reform
(RENACER) Act, which added
Nicaragua to the countries subject to the
Section 353 Corrupt and Undemocratic
Actors list.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Report to
Congress on Foreign Persons Who Have
Knowingly Engaged in Actions that
Undermine Democratic Processes or
Institutions, Significant Corruption, or
Obstruction of Investigations Into Such
Acts of Corruption in El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua,
Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the
Department of State, Foreign
Operations, and Related Programs
Appropriations Act, 2021 (Div. FF, Pub.
L. 116–260, as amended) (Section 353).
Consistent with Section 353(b) of the
United States—Northern Triangle
Enhanced Engagement Act (Div. FF,
Pub. L. 116–260) (the Act), as amended,
this report is being submitted to the
House Foreign Affairs Committee,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
House Committee on the Judiciary, and
the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.
Section 353(b) requires the
submission of a report that identifies the
following persons in El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua:
foreign persons who the President has
determined have knowingly engaged (1)
in actions that undermine democratic
processes or institutions; (2) in
significant corruption; and (3) in
obstruction of investigations into such
acts of corruption, including the
following: corruption related to
government contracts; bribery and
extortion; the facilitation or transfer of
the proceeds of corruption, including
through money laundering; and acts of
SUMMARY:
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violence, harassment, or intimidation
directed at governmental and
nongovernmental corruption
investigators. On November 10, 2021,
the President signed the Reinforcing
Nicaragua’s Adherence to Conditions for
Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act,
adding Nicaragua to the countries
within the scope of Section 353. On
June 21, 2021, the President delegated
his authority under Section 353 to the
Secretary of State.
Under Section 353, foreign persons
identified in the report submitted to
Congress are generally ineligible for
visas and admission to the United States
and any current visa shall be revoked
immediately and any other valid visa or
entry documentation cancelled.
Consistent with Section 353(g), this
report will be published in the Federal
Register.
This report includes individuals who
the Secretary has determined have
engaged in the relevant activity based
upon credible information or allegations
of the conduct at issue, from media
reporting and other sources. The
Department will continue to review the
individuals listed in the report and
consider all available tools to deter and
disrupt corrupt and undemocratic
activity in El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, and Nicaragua. The
Department also continues to actively
review additional credible information
and allegations concerning corruption
or undemocratic activity and to utilize
all applicable authorities, as
appropriate, to ensure corrupt or
undemocratic officials are denied safe
haven in the United States.
El Salvador
Cecilia Coronada Alvarenga de
Figueroa, spouse of former Public
Security Minister Rene Mario Figueroa
Figueroa, facilitated the transfer of
proceeds of corruption when she
assisted her husband in laundering over
$3 million in public funds, while her
husband was Minister of Public Security
during the Saca administration.
Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, former
Public Security Minister under the Saca
Administration, during his time as
Minister engaged in significant
corruption when he converted $3
million in public funds for his and his
wife’s personal use and, with his wife,
laundered those funds.
Jose Wilfredo Salgado Garcia, Mayor
of San Miguel, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he used
his official position to participate in
drug trafficking and money laundering
while mayor of San Miguel, El
Salvador’s second largest city. Salgado
used his connections with city law
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enforcement to intimidate his electoral
opponent’s family.
Francisco Javier Argueta Gomez,
current Presidential Legal Advisor,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by masterminding the
removal of five Supreme Court
Magistrates and the Attorney General in
an unusual process in apparent
contravention of the processes set out in
Article 186 of the Constitution, which
requires the selection of such
Magistrates from a list of candidates
drafted by the National Council of the
Judiciary.
Christian Reynaldo Guevara Guadron,
Legislative Assembly Deputy and
Nuevas Ideas Party’s Chief of Faction,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when he introduced a Gang
Prohibition Law that will punish with
up to 15 years in prison the
dissemination of gang messages in the
media, considered by many observers to
be a clear attempt to censor the media.
Jose Ernesto Sanabria, current
Presidential Press Secretary,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by using his position and
wielding the Presidency’s influence to
inappropriately pressure officials in
opposition political parties to resign on
threat of being charged with criminal
offenses.
Guatemala
Dennis Billy Herrera Arita, a
Guatemalan lawyer, undermined the
democratic process or institutions by
participating in the ‘‘Parallel
Commissions 2020’’ scheme to stack the
Supreme and Appellate Courts with
corrupt judges.
Carlos Estuardo Galvez Barrios,
former Rector of the University of San
Carlos (USAC), undermined the
democratic process or institutions by
using his standing in the legal
community to influence members of the
judicial nomination commission in the
facilitation of the ‘‘Parallel Commissions
2020’’ scheme to stack the Supreme
Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt
judges.
Jose Rafael Curruchiche Cacul (Rafael
Curruchiche), the current chief of the
Public Ministry’s Office of the Special
Prosecutor Against Impunity (FECI),
obstructed investigations into acts of
corruption by disrupting high-profile
corruption cases against government
officials and raising apparently spurious
claims against FECI prosecutors, private
attorneys, and former International
Commission Against Impunity in
Guatemala (CICIG) prosecutors.
Axel Arturo Samayoa Camacho, the
owner of several trucking and shipping
companies operating in the government-
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run EMPORNAC (Atlantic) and EPQ
(Pacific) ports, engaged in significant
corruption by improperly colluding
with public officials and paying bribes
to ensure his companies won lucrative
port contracts.
Ramiro Mauricio Lopez Camey, the
current co-owner of construction
company Asfaltos y Petro´leos S.A.
(Aspetro), engaged in significant
corruption by paying bribes to receive
government construction contracts.
Ramon ‘‘Moncho’’ Campollo Codina,
a current owner of Corporacion Energias
de Guatemala, engaged in significant
corruption by bribing public officials
and in a manner that harmed U.S.
commercial and policy goals to improve
energy efficiency.
Geisler Smaille Perez Dominguez, a
current judge for the Third Criminal
Court, undermined democratic
processes by obstructing prosecutions of
proponents of the ‘‘Parallel
Commissions 2020’’ scheme to stack the
Supreme Court and Appellate Courts
with corrupt judges.
Sofia Janeth Hernandez Herrera, the
current congressional representative for
the Union del Cambio Nacional (UCN)
party, undermined the democratic
process or institutions by misusing her
official powers to intimidate her
political opponents. She also solicited
bribes and threatened to weaponize the
legitimate purposes of Guatemala’s
congress to retaliate against her enemies
for personal benefit.
Steffan Christian Emanuel Lehnhoff
Hernandez, a current owner of
Corporacion Energias de Guatemala,
engaged in significant corruption by
bribing public officials and in a manner
that harmed U.S. commercial and policy
goals to improve energy efficiency.
Mayra Alejandra Carrillo de Leon
(Alejandra Carrillo), current Director of
the Victim’s Institute, undermined the
democratic process or institutions by
using her official position to facilitate
the ‘‘Parallel Commissions 2020’’
scheme to stack the Supreme Court and
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Erick Gustavo Santiago de Leon, a
former judge and President of the
Regional Appeal Civil Court, engaged in
significant corruption and obstructed
investigations into acts of corruption by
soliciting bribes in return for favorable
court rulings in cases before him.
Nery Oswaldo Medina Mendez, a
current Supreme Court of Justice
magistrate, undermined the democratic
process or institutions by participating
in the ‘‘Parallel Commissions 2020’’
scheme to stack the Supreme Court and
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Vitalina Orellana y Orellana, a current
Supreme Court of Justice magistrate,
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undermined the democratic process or
institutions by participating in the
‘‘Parallel Commissions 2020’’ scheme to
stack the Supreme Court and Appellate
Courts with corrupt judges.
Mauricio Lopez Oliva, the current coowner of construction company Asfaltos
y Petro´leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in
significant corruption by paying bribes
to receive government construction
contracts.
Victor Manuel Cruz Rivera, a current
Criminal Court Judge, obstructed
investigations into acts of corruption by
improperly delaying court proceedings.
Jose´ Luis Benito Ruiz, the former
Minister of Communications and
Infrastructure from 2018–2020, engaged
in significant corruption when he
solicited, accepted, and offered bribes in
order to maintain his official position
and receive kickbacks from contractors,
and facilitated the transfer of proceeds
of corruption.
Honduras
Harvis Edulfo Herrera Carballo,
General Manager at the Presidential
Palace from 2010 to 2014, transferred
proceeds of corruption when he aided
the misappropriation of more than
$500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a
presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Elmer Jeovanny Ordonez Espinal,
Internal Controls Supervisor of the
National Bank for Agricultural
Development from 2010 to 2014,
transferred proceeds of corruption when
he aided the misappropriation of more
than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a
presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Rasel Antonio Tome Flores, Vice
President of Congress, engaged in
significant corruption when he used his
position as President of the National
Telecommunications Commission to
misappropriate approximately $327,000
in public funds.
Claudia Yamilia Noriega Gonza´lez,
Project Coordinator for the ‘‘Catracha
Card’’ Program from 2010 to 2014,
transferred proceeds of corruption when
she aided the misappropriation of more
than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a
presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Carol Vanessa Alvarado Izaguirre,
Finance Manager at the Presidential
Palace in 2014, transferred proceeds of
corruption when she aided the
misappropriation of more than $500,000
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project
aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Enrique Alberto Flores Lanza,
Minister of Presidency from 2008 to
2009, engaged in significant corruption
by receiving $2 million in public money
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from the Honduran Central Bank and
improperly redistributing it to political
allies.
Juan Ramon Maradiaga, General
Manager of the National Bank for
Agricultural Development (BANADESA)
from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds
of corruption when he aided the
misappropriation of more than $500,000
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project
aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Edgardo Antonio Casan˜a Mejia, a
current member of Congress, engaged in
significant corruption by improperly
restructuring the National Institute for
Teachers’ Pensions to direct more than
$5 million in benefits to political allies
and constituents, in order to secure
votes and maintain political power.
Roberto David Castillo Mejia, member
of the Executive Committee of the
Honduran Electrical Company (ENEE)
from 2006 to 2009, engaged in
corruption related to government
contracts when he used his position on
the ENEE Executive Committee to
interfere in the public procurement
process and steer contracts to a
company in which he had a financial
interest.
Carlos Josue´ Romero Puerto, Project
Coordinator for Bono10 Mil, transferred
proceeds of corruption when he aided
the misappropriation of more than
$500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a
presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Carlos Josue Montes Rodriguez, Vice
Secretary of Labor in 2011, engaged in
significant corruption by accepting
bribes to improperly award contracts to
political allies and to expedite
payments.
Gonzalo Molina Solorzano, Chief of
Supply for the National Bank for
Agricultural Development from 2010 to
2014, transferred proceeds of corruption
when he aided the misappropriation of
more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil,
a presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Juan Carlos ‘‘El Tigre’’ Bonilla
Valladares, Director of the National
Police from 2012 to 2013, engaged in
significant corruption when he used his
position as Director of the National
Police to facilitate movement of cocaine
through Honduras in exchange for
bribes.
Javier Rodolfo Pastor Vasquez, Vice
Minister of Health in 2011, engaged in
significant corruption by accepting
$235,000 in bribes to interfere in public
procurement procedures to improperly
award contracts to political allies and to
expedite payments.
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Nicaragua
Yubelca del Carmen Perez Alvarado,
a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor’s
Office headquarters in Managua,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious
charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Erick Ramon Laguna Averruz, a judge,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when he convicted and
sentenced prodemocracy leaders on
vague, false charges of ‘‘undermining
national integrity’’ in the sham trials of
opposition activist Alexis Peralta and
farmer without political affiliation
Santos Camilo Bellorin.
Perla de los Angeles Baca, a Chief
Prosecutor in Chinandega Department,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious
charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Rosa Velia Baca Cardoza, a judge,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when she convicted and
sentenced a prodemocracy leader on
vague, false charges of ‘‘undermining
national integrity’’ in the sham trial of
opposition activist Donald Alvarenga.
Carlos Rafael Espinoza Castilla, a
prosecutor, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by bringing
spurious charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Irma Oralya Laguna Cruz, a judge,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when she convicted and
sentenced a prodemocracy leader on
vague, false charges of ‘‘undermining
national integrity’’ in the sham trial of
opposition activist Evelyn Pinto.
Luis Alberto Mena Gamez, a
prosecutor in Nueva Segovia,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing the regime’s
case against political prisoner Douglas
Cerros and by pursuing spurious
charges, convictions, and harsh
sentences against private citizens who
are critical of the government.
Luden Martin Quiroz Garcia, a judge,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when he convicted and
sentenced prodemocracy leaders on
vague, false charges of ‘‘undermining
national integrity’’ in the sham trials of
opposition leader Ana Margarita Vijil,
journalist Miguel Mendoza, former
Foreign Minister Mauricio Diaz, former
presidential candidate Cristiana
Chamorro, opposition member Pedro
Joaquin Chamorro, employees of the
Violeta Barrios de Chamorro Foundation
(FVBCH) Pedro Vasquez, Walter Gomez,
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and Marcos Fletes; and former National
Assembly member Maria Fernanda
Flores.
Melvin Leopoldo Vargas Garcia, a
judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he
convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false
charges of ‘‘undermining national
integrity’’ in the sham trial of opposition
activist Samantha Jiron.
Angel Jancarlos Fernandez Gonzalez,
a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he
convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of
‘‘undermining national integrity’’ in the
sham trials of private sector leaders Luis
Rivas, Michael Healy, and Alvaro
Vargas; former Sandinista leader Dora
Maria Tellez; opposition leaders Jose
Antonio Peraza and Victor Hugo Tinoco.
Nancy Del Carmen Aguirre Gudiel, a
judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when she
convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false
charges of ‘‘undermining national
integrity’’ in the sham trial of opposition
activist Irving Larios.
Jorge Luis Arias Jarquin, a prosecutor
in the Public Prosecutor’s Office
headquarters in Managua, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by
bringing spurious charges in order to jail
regime opponents in the leadup to
national elections.
William Irving Howard Lopez, a
judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he
convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false
charges of ‘‘undermining national
integrity’’ in the sham trial of opposition
activist Nidia Barbosa.
Martha Ileana Morales Mendoza, a
prosecutor and the Director of Planning
at the Public Prosecutor’s Office
headquarters in Managua, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by
bringing spurious charges in order to jail
regime opponents in the leadup to
national elections.
Maria Francis Perez Mojica, a
prosecutor in Nueva Segovia,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when she led the regime’s
case against pro-democracy activist and
political prisoner Donald Alvarenga and
pursued spurious charges, convictions,
and harsh sentences against the regime’s
prodemocracy opponents.
Veronica Fiallos Moncada, a judge,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when she convicted and
sentenced a prodemocracy leader on
vague, false charges of ‘‘undermining
national integrity’’ in the sham trial of
political prisoner Douglas Cerros.
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Felix Ernesto Salmeron Moreno, a
judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he
convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of
‘‘undermining national integrity’’ in the
sham trials of former presidential
candidates Juan Sebastian Chamorro,
Felix Maradiaga, Arturo Cruz, and
Medardo Mairena; civic leaders Pedro
Mena, Jose Pallais, Violeta Granera,
Tamara Davila, Jose Quintanilla
Hernandez, Roger Reyes; and business
leader Jose Adan Aguerri.
Rolando Salvador Sanarrusia
Munguia, a judge, undermined
democratic processes or institutions
when he convicted and sentenced
prodemocracy leaders on vague, false
charges of ‘‘undermining national
integrity’’ in the sham trial of opposition
activist Yoel Sandino.
Marling de Jesus Castro Rodriguez, a
prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor’s
Office headquarters in Managua,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious
charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Nadia Camila Tardencilla Rodriguez,
a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when she
convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of
‘‘undermining national integrity’’ in the
sham trials of student leaders Lesther
Aleman and Max Jerez, former
presidential candidate Miguel Mora,
political analyst Edgar Parrales, Director
of La Prensa newspaper Juan Lorenzo
Holmann, and electoral expert Harry
Chavez.
Andrea del Carmen Salas, a
prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor’s
Office headquarters in Managua,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious
charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Ulisa Yahoska Tapia Silva, a judge,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions when she convicted and
sentenced prodemocracy leaders on
vague, false charges of ‘‘undermining
national integrity’’ in the sham trials of
opposition activists Yaser Vado and
Yader Parajon, former Foreign Minister
Francisco Aguirre Sacasa, opposition
leader Suyen Barahona, civic leader
Freddy Navas, human rights lawyer
Maria Oviedo, former presidential
candidate Noel Vidaurre, and political
commentator Jaime Arellano.
Auxiliadora del Carmen Sequeira
Suazo, a prosecutor in Esteli,
undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing the regime’s
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case against pro-democracy activist and
political prisoner Alexis Peralta and by
pursuing spurious charges, convictions,
and harsh sentences against regime
opponents.
Dated: August 2, 2022.
Wendy R. Sherman,
Deputy Secretary of State.
[FR Doc. 2022–17215 Filed 8–10–22; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 4710–29–P
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
[Public Notice: 11816]
Bureau of Political-Military Affairs,
Directorate of Defense Trade Controls:
Notifications to the Congress of
Proposed Commercial Export Licenses
ACTION:
Notice.
The Directorate of Defense
Trade Controls and the Department of
State give notice that the attached
Notifications of Proposed Commercial
Export Licenses were submitted to the
Congress on the dates indicated.
DATES: The dates of notification to
Congress are as shown on each of the 13
letters.
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Ms.
Paula C. Harrison, Directorate of
Defense Trade Controls (DDTC),
Department of State at (202) 663–3310;
or access the DDTC website at https://
www.pmddtc.state.gov/ddtc public and
select ‘‘Contact DDTC,’’ then scroll
down to ‘‘Contact the DDTC Response
Team’’ and select ‘‘Email.’’ Please add
this subject line to your message,
‘‘ATTN: Congressional Notification of
Licenses.’’
SUMMARY:
Section
36(f) of the Arms Export Control Act (22
U.S.C. 2776) requires that notifications
to the Congress pursuant to sections
36(c) and 36(d) be published in the
Federal Register in timely manner. The
following comprise recent such
notifications and are published to give
notice to the public.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION:
April 8, 2022
The Honorable Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the
House of Representatives.
Dear Madam Speaker:
Pursuant to Section 36(c) of the Arms
Export Control Act, please find enclosed a
certification of a proposed license
amendment for the export of defense articles,
including technical data and defense
services, in the amount of $50,000,000 or
more.
The transaction contained in the attached
certification involves the export of defense
articles, including technical data and defense
services, to Saudi Arabia, UK and Australia
to support operation, training and
E:\FR\FM\11AUN1.SGM
11AUN1
Agencies
[Federal Register Volume 87, Number 154 (Thursday, August 11, 2022)]
[Notices]
[Pages 49639-49642]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: 2022-17215]
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE
[Public Notice: 11815]
Report to Congress Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the United
States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act
ACTION: Notice of report.
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SUMMARY: This report on Corrupt and Undemocratic Actors is submitted in
fulfilment of the State Department's congressional reporting
requirement for 2022 regarding foreign persons who have knowingly
engaged in actions that undermine democratic processes or institutions,
significant corruption, or obstruction of such corruption in El
Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras pursuant to Section 353(b) of the
United States--Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act. On November
10, 2021, the president signed the Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to
Conditions for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act, which added Nicaragua to
the countries subject to the Section 353 Corrupt and Undemocratic
Actors list.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: Report to Congress on Foreign Persons Who
Have Knowingly Engaged in Actions that Undermine Democratic Processes
or Institutions, Significant Corruption, or Obstruction of
Investigations Into Such Acts of Corruption in El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, and Nicaragua, Pursuant to Section 353(b) of the Department
of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act,
2021 (Div. FF, Pub. L. 116-260, as amended) (Section 353).
Consistent with Section 353(b) of the United States--Northern
Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act (Div. FF, Pub. L. 116-260) (the Act),
as amended, this report is being submitted to the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, House Committee on the
Judiciary, and the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.
Section 353(b) requires the submission of a report that identifies
the following persons in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and
Nicaragua: foreign persons who the President has determined have
knowingly engaged (1) in actions that undermine democratic processes or
institutions; (2) in significant corruption; and (3) in obstruction of
investigations into such acts of corruption, including the following:
corruption related to government contracts; bribery and extortion; the
facilitation or transfer of the proceeds of corruption, including
through money laundering; and acts of
[[Page 49640]]
violence, harassment, or intimidation directed at governmental and
nongovernmental corruption investigators. On November 10, 2021, the
President signed the Reinforcing Nicaragua's Adherence to Conditions
for Electoral Reform (RENACER) Act, adding Nicaragua to the countries
within the scope of Section 353. On June 21, 2021, the President
delegated his authority under Section 353 to the Secretary of State.
Under Section 353, foreign persons identified in the report
submitted to Congress are generally ineligible for visas and admission
to the United States and any current visa shall be revoked immediately
and any other valid visa or entry documentation cancelled. Consistent
with Section 353(g), this report will be published in the Federal
Register.
This report includes individuals who the Secretary has determined
have engaged in the relevant activity based upon credible information
or allegations of the conduct at issue, from media reporting and other
sources. The Department will continue to review the individuals listed
in the report and consider all available tools to deter and disrupt
corrupt and undemocratic activity in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras,
and Nicaragua. The Department also continues to actively review
additional credible information and allegations concerning corruption
or undemocratic activity and to utilize all applicable authorities, as
appropriate, to ensure corrupt or undemocratic officials are denied
safe haven in the United States.
El Salvador
Cecilia Coronada Alvarenga de Figueroa, spouse of former Public
Security Minister Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, facilitated the
transfer of proceeds of corruption when she assisted her husband in
laundering over $3 million in public funds, while her husband was
Minister of Public Security during the Saca administration.
Rene Mario Figueroa Figueroa, former Public Security Minister under
the Saca Administration, during his time as Minister engaged in
significant corruption when he converted $3 million in public funds for
his and his wife's personal use and, with his wife, laundered those
funds.
Jose Wilfredo Salgado Garcia, Mayor of San Miguel, undermined
democratic processes or institutions when he used his official position
to participate in drug trafficking and money laundering while mayor of
San Miguel, El Salvador's second largest city. Salgado used his
connections with city law enforcement to intimidate his electoral
opponent's family.
Francisco Javier Argueta Gomez, current Presidential Legal Advisor,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by masterminding the
removal of five Supreme Court Magistrates and the Attorney General in
an unusual process in apparent contravention of the processes set out
in Article 186 of the Constitution, which requires the selection of
such Magistrates from a list of candidates drafted by the National
Council of the Judiciary.
Christian Reynaldo Guevara Guadron, Legislative Assembly Deputy and
Nuevas Ideas Party's Chief of Faction, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when he introduced a Gang Prohibition Law that will
punish with up to 15 years in prison the dissemination of gang messages
in the media, considered by many observers to be a clear attempt to
censor the media.
Jose Ernesto Sanabria, current Presidential Press Secretary,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by using his position
and wielding the Presidency's influence to inappropriately pressure
officials in opposition political parties to resign on threat of being
charged with criminal offenses.
Guatemala
Dennis Billy Herrera Arita, a Guatemalan lawyer, undermined the
democratic process or institutions by participating in the ``Parallel
Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme and Appellate Courts
with corrupt judges.
Carlos Estuardo Galvez Barrios, former Rector of the University of
San Carlos (USAC), undermined the democratic process or institutions by
using his standing in the legal community to influence members of the
judicial nomination commission in the facilitation of the ``Parallel
Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and Appellate
Courts with corrupt judges.
Jose Rafael Curruchiche Cacul (Rafael Curruchiche), the current
chief of the Public Ministry's Office of the Special Prosecutor Against
Impunity (FECI), obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by
disrupting high-profile corruption cases against government officials
and raising apparently spurious claims against FECI prosecutors,
private attorneys, and former International Commission Against Impunity
in Guatemala (CICIG) prosecutors.
Axel Arturo Samayoa Camacho, the owner of several trucking and
shipping companies operating in the government-run EMPORNAC (Atlantic)
and EPQ (Pacific) ports, engaged in significant corruption by
improperly colluding with public officials and paying bribes to ensure
his companies won lucrative port contracts.
Ramiro Mauricio Lopez Camey, the current co-owner of construction
company Asfaltos y Petr[oacute]leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in
significant corruption by paying bribes to receive government
construction contracts.
Ramon ``Moncho'' Campollo Codina, a current owner of Corporacion
Energias de Guatemala, engaged in significant corruption by bribing
public officials and in a manner that harmed U.S. commercial and policy
goals to improve energy efficiency.
Geisler Smaille Perez Dominguez, a current judge for the Third
Criminal Court, undermined democratic processes by obstructing
prosecutions of proponents of the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme
to stack the Supreme Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Sofia Janeth Hernandez Herrera, the current congressional
representative for the Union del Cambio Nacional (UCN) party,
undermined the democratic process or institutions by misusing her
official powers to intimidate her political opponents. She also
solicited bribes and threatened to weaponize the legitimate purposes of
Guatemala's congress to retaliate against her enemies for personal
benefit.
Steffan Christian Emanuel Lehnhoff Hernandez, a current owner of
Corporacion Energias de Guatemala, engaged in significant corruption by
bribing public officials and in a manner that harmed U.S. commercial
and policy goals to improve energy efficiency.
Mayra Alejandra Carrillo de Leon (Alejandra Carrillo), current
Director of the Victim's Institute, undermined the democratic process
or institutions by using her official position to facilitate the
``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Erick Gustavo Santiago de Leon, a former judge and President of the
Regional Appeal Civil Court, engaged in significant corruption and
obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by soliciting bribes
in return for favorable court rulings in cases before him.
Nery Oswaldo Medina Mendez, a current Supreme Court of Justice
magistrate, undermined the democratic process or institutions by
participating in the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the
Supreme Court and Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Vitalina Orellana y Orellana, a current Supreme Court of Justice
magistrate,
[[Page 49641]]
undermined the democratic process or institutions by participating in
the ``Parallel Commissions 2020'' scheme to stack the Supreme Court and
Appellate Courts with corrupt judges.
Mauricio Lopez Oliva, the current co-owner of construction company
Asfaltos y Petr[oacute]leos S.A. (Aspetro), engaged in significant
corruption by paying bribes to receive government construction
contracts.
Victor Manuel Cruz Rivera, a current Criminal Court Judge,
obstructed investigations into acts of corruption by improperly
delaying court proceedings.
Jos[eacute] Luis Benito Ruiz, the former Minister of Communications
and Infrastructure from 2018-2020, engaged in significant corruption
when he solicited, accepted, and offered bribes in order to maintain
his official position and receive kickbacks from contractors, and
facilitated the transfer of proceeds of corruption.
Honduras
Harvis Edulfo Herrera Carballo, General Manager at the Presidential
Palace from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds of corruption when he
aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a
presidential project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Elmer Jeovanny Ordonez Espinal, Internal Controls Supervisor of the
National Bank for Agricultural Development from 2010 to 2014,
transferred proceeds of corruption when he aided the misappropriation
of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at
reducing rural poverty.
Rasel Antonio Tome Flores, Vice President of Congress, engaged in
significant corruption when he used his position as President of the
National Telecommunications Commission to misappropriate approximately
$327,000 in public funds.
Claudia Yamilia Noriega Gonz[aacute]lez, Project Coordinator for
the ``Catracha Card'' Program from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds
of corruption when she aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing rural
poverty.
Carol Vanessa Alvarado Izaguirre, Finance Manager at the
Presidential Palace in 2014, transferred proceeds of corruption when
she aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil,
a presidential project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Enrique Alberto Flores Lanza, Minister of Presidency from 2008 to
2009, engaged in significant corruption by receiving $2 million in
public money from the Honduran Central Bank and improperly
redistributing it to political allies.
Juan Ramon Maradiaga, General Manager of the National Bank for
Agricultural Development (BANADESA) from 2010 to 2014, transferred
proceeds of corruption when he aided the misappropriation of more than
$500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing
rural poverty.
Edgardo Antonio Casa[ntilde]a Mejia, a current member of Congress,
engaged in significant corruption by improperly restructuring the
National Institute for Teachers' Pensions to direct more than $5
million in benefits to political allies and constituents, in order to
secure votes and maintain political power.
Roberto David Castillo Mejia, member of the Executive Committee of
the Honduran Electrical Company (ENEE) from 2006 to 2009, engaged in
corruption related to government contracts when he used his position on
the ENEE Executive Committee to interfere in the public procurement
process and steer contracts to a company in which he had a financial
interest.
Carlos Josu[eacute] Romero Puerto, Project Coordinator for Bono10
Mil, transferred proceeds of corruption when he aided the
misappropriation of more than $500,000 from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential
project aimed at reducing rural poverty.
Carlos Josue Montes Rodriguez, Vice Secretary of Labor in 2011,
engaged in significant corruption by accepting bribes to improperly
award contracts to political allies and to expedite payments.
Gonzalo Molina Solorzano, Chief of Supply for the National Bank for
Agricultural Development from 2010 to 2014, transferred proceeds of
corruption when he aided the misappropriation of more than $500,000
from Bono 10 Mil, a presidential project aimed at reducing rural
poverty.
Juan Carlos ``El Tigre'' Bonilla Valladares, Director of the
National Police from 2012 to 2013, engaged in significant corruption
when he used his position as Director of the National Police to
facilitate movement of cocaine through Honduras in exchange for bribes.
Javier Rodolfo Pastor Vasquez, Vice Minister of Health in 2011,
engaged in significant corruption by accepting $235,000 in bribes to
interfere in public procurement procedures to improperly award
contracts to political allies and to expedite payments.
Nicaragua
Yubelca del Carmen Perez Alvarado, a prosecutor in the Public
Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail
regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Erick Ramon Laguna Averruz, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of opposition activist Alexis Peralta and farmer
without political affiliation Santos Camilo Bellorin.
Perla de los Angeles Baca, a Chief Prosecutor in Chinandega
Department, undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing
spurious charges in order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to
national elections.
Rosa Velia Baca Cardoza, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trial of opposition activist Donald Alvarenga.
Carlos Rafael Espinoza Castilla, a prosecutor, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in
order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Irma Oralya Laguna Cruz, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trial of opposition activist Evelyn Pinto.
Luis Alberto Mena Gamez, a prosecutor in Nueva Segovia, undermined
democratic processes or institutions by bringing the regime's case
against political prisoner Douglas Cerros and by pursuing spurious
charges, convictions, and harsh sentences against private citizens who
are critical of the government.
Luden Martin Quiroz Garcia, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of opposition leader Ana Margarita Vijil, journalist
Miguel Mendoza, former Foreign Minister Mauricio Diaz, former
presidential candidate Cristiana Chamorro, opposition member Pedro
Joaquin Chamorro, employees of the Violeta Barrios de Chamorro
Foundation (FVBCH) Pedro Vasquez, Walter Gomez,
[[Page 49642]]
and Marcos Fletes; and former National Assembly member Maria Fernanda
Flores.
Melvin Leopoldo Vargas Garcia, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Samantha Jiron.
Angel Jancarlos Fernandez Gonzalez, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of private sector leaders Luis Rivas, Michael Healy,
and Alvaro Vargas; former Sandinista leader Dora Maria Tellez;
opposition leaders Jose Antonio Peraza and Victor Hugo Tinoco.
Nancy Del Carmen Aguirre Gudiel, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Irving Larios.
Jorge Luis Arias Jarquin, a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor's
Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national elections.
William Irving Howard Lopez, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced a
prodemocracy leader on vague, false charges of ``undermining national
integrity'' in the sham trial of opposition activist Nidia Barbosa.
Martha Ileana Morales Mendoza, a prosecutor and the Director of
Planning at the Public Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing spurious
charges in order to jail regime opponents in the leadup to national
elections.
Maria Francis Perez Mojica, a prosecutor in Nueva Segovia,
undermined democratic processes or institutions when she led the
regime's case against pro-democracy activist and political prisoner
Donald Alvarenga and pursued spurious charges, convictions, and harsh
sentences against the regime's prodemocracy opponents.
Veronica Fiallos Moncada, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced a prodemocracy leader
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trial of political prisoner Douglas Cerros.
Felix Ernesto Salmeron Moreno, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of former presidential candidates Juan Sebastian
Chamorro, Felix Maradiaga, Arturo Cruz, and Medardo Mairena; civic
leaders Pedro Mena, Jose Pallais, Violeta Granera, Tamara Davila, Jose
Quintanilla Hernandez, Roger Reyes; and business leader Jose Adan
Aguerri.
Rolando Salvador Sanarrusia Munguia, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when he convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trial of opposition activist Yoel Sandino.
Marling de Jesus Castro Rodriguez, a prosecutor in the Public
Prosecutor's Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic
processes or institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail
regime opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Nadia Camila Tardencilla Rodriguez, a judge, undermined democratic
processes or institutions when she convicted and sentenced prodemocracy
leaders on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity''
in the sham trials of student leaders Lesther Aleman and Max Jerez,
former presidential candidate Miguel Mora, political analyst Edgar
Parrales, Director of La Prensa newspaper Juan Lorenzo Holmann, and
electoral expert Harry Chavez.
Andrea del Carmen Salas, a prosecutor in the Public Prosecutor's
Office headquarters in Managua, undermined democratic processes or
institutions by bringing spurious charges in order to jail regime
opponents in the leadup to national elections.
Ulisa Yahoska Tapia Silva, a judge, undermined democratic processes
or institutions when she convicted and sentenced prodemocracy leaders
on vague, false charges of ``undermining national integrity'' in the
sham trials of opposition activists Yaser Vado and Yader Parajon,
former Foreign Minister Francisco Aguirre Sacasa, opposition leader
Suyen Barahona, civic leader Freddy Navas, human rights lawyer Maria
Oviedo, former presidential candidate Noel Vidaurre, and political
commentator Jaime Arellano.
Auxiliadora del Carmen Sequeira Suazo, a prosecutor in Esteli,
undermined democratic processes or institutions by bringing the
regime's case against pro-democracy activist and political prisoner
Alexis Peralta and by pursuing spurious charges, convictions, and harsh
sentences against regime opponents.
Dated: August 2, 2022.
Wendy R. Sherman,
Deputy Secretary of State.
[FR Doc. 2022-17215 Filed 8-10-22; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 4710-29-P