Coordinated Communications, 53893-53913 [E9-25240]
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53893
Proposed Rules
Federal Register
Vol. 74, No. 202
Wednesday, October 21, 2009
This section of the FEDERAL REGISTER
contains notices to the public of the proposed
issuance of rules and regulations. The
purpose of these notices is to give interested
persons an opportunity to participate in the
rule making prior to the adoption of the final
rules.
FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION
11 CFR Parts 100 and 109
[Notice 2009—23]
Coordinated Communications
Federal Election Commission.
Notice of Proposed Rulemaking.
AGENCY:
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ACTION:
SUMMARY: The Federal Election
Commission seeks comments on
proposed changes to its rules regarding
coordinated communications under the
Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971,
as amended. These proposed changes
are in response to the decision of the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia Circuit in Shays v. FEC. The
Commission has made no final decision
on the issues presented in this
rulemaking. Further information is
provided in the supplementary
information that follows.
DATES: Comments must be received on
or before January 19, 2010. The
Commission will hold a hearing on
these proposed rules and will announce
the date of the hearing at a later date.
Anyone wishing to testify at the hearing
must file written comments by the due
date and must include a request to
testify in the written comments.
ADDRESSES: All comments must be in
writing, addressed to Ms. Amy L.
Rothstein, Assistant General Counsel,
and submitted in either electronic,
facsimile or hard copy form.
Commenters are strongly encouraged to
submit comments electronically to
ensure timely receipt and consideration.
Electronic comments should be sent to
CoordinationShays3@fec.gov. If the
electronic comments include an
attachment, the attachment must be in
Adobe Acrobat (.pdf) or Microsoft Word
(.doc) format. Faxed comments should
be sent to (202) 219–3923, with hard
copy follow-up. Hard copy comments
and hard copy follow-up of faxed
comments should be sent to the Federal
Election Commission, 999 E Street,
NW., Washington, DC 20463. All
comments must include the full name
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and postal service address of the
commenter or they will not be
considered. The Commission will post
comments on its Web site after the
comment period ends. The hearing will
be held in the Commission’s ninth floor
meeting room, 999 E Street, NW.,
Washington, DC
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION, CONTACT: Ms.
Amy L. Rothstein, Assistant General
Counsel, or Attorneys Ms. Jessica
Selinkoff, Ms. Esther D. Heiden or Ms.
Joanna S. Waldstreicher, 999 E Street,
NW., Washington, DC 20463, (202) 694–
1650 or (800) 424–9530.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The
Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of
20021 (‘‘BCRA’’) contained extensive
and detailed amendments to the Federal
Election Campaign Act of 1971, as
amended, 2 U.S.C. 431 et seq. (‘‘the
Act’’). The Commission promulgated a
number of rules to implement BCRA,
including rules defining ‘‘coordinated
communications’’ at 11 CFR 109.21. The
Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia Circuit found aspects of these
rules invalid in Shays v. FEC, 528 F.3d
914 (DC Cir. 2008) (‘‘Shays III Appeal’’).
In response to the Shays III Appeal
decision, the Commission seeks
comment on possible changes to the
‘‘coordinated communication’’
regulations at 109.21, which govern
communications made in coordination
with Federal candidates, their
authorized committees, or political
party committees, but paid for by
persons other than the candidate, the
authorized committee, or the political
party committee with whom the
communication is coordinated. The
Commission’s rules at 11 CFR 109.37
regulate communications made in
coordination with Federal candidates or
their authorized committee, but paid for
by a political party committee with
which the coordination occurred (‘‘party
coordinated communication’’
regulations). The party coordinated
communication regulations (11 CFR
109.37) mirror, to a large extent, the
coordinated communications
regulations.2 The Commission is not
1 Public
Law 107–155, 116 Stat. 81 (2002).
2 When the Commission revised its coordinated
communications rules in 2002 pursuant to the
statutory mandate in BCRA, the Commission also
adopted substantially parallel party coordinated
communication rules to address coordinated
communications that were paid for by political
party committees in order ‘‘to give clear guidance
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proposing to revise the party
coordinated communication rules in
this rulemaking because they were not
addressed by the Shays III Appeal
decision, but invites comment on
whether it should issue a notice of
proposed rulemaking on this subject.
I. Background Information
The Act and Commission regulations
limit the amount a person may
contribute to a candidate and that
candidate’s authorized political
committee with respect to any election
for Federal office, and also limit the
amount a person may contribute to
other political committees in a given
calendar year. See 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(1);
11 CFR 110.1(b)(1), (c)(1), (d); see also
2 U.S.C. 441b; 11 CFR 114.2
(prohibitions on corporate
contributions). A ‘‘contribution’’ may
take the form of money or ‘‘anything of
value,’’ including an in-kind
contribution, provided to a candidate or
political committee for the purpose of
influencing a Federal election. See 2
U.S.C. 431(8)(A)(i), (9)(A)(i); 11 CFR
100.52(a), (d)(1), 100.111(a), (e)(1). An
expenditure made in coordination with
a candidate, or with a candidate’s
authorized political committee,
constitutes an in-kind contribution to
that candidate subject to contribution
limits and prohibitions and must,
subject to certain exceptions, be
reported as an expenditure by that
candidate. See 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(7); 11
CFR 109.20, 109.21(b).
The national committees and State
committees of political parties may also
make ‘‘coordinated party expenditures’’
in connection with the general election
campaigns of Federal candidates, within
certain limits. 2 U.S.C. 441a(d); 11 CFR
109.32(a), (b). Coordinated party
expenditures are in addition to any
contributions by the political party
committees to candidates within the
contribution limits of 11 CFR 110.1 and
110.2. 2 U.S.C. 441a(d); 11 CFR
109.32(a)(3), (b)(4).
to those affected by BCRA.’’ See Explanation and
Justification for Final Rules on Coordinated and
Independent Expenditures, 68 FR 421 (Jan. 3, 2003).
When the Commission revised its coordinated
communications rules in 2006, the Commission
gave consideration as to whether its party
coordinated communication rules at 11 CFR 109.37
should continue to mirror the coordinated
communication rules at 11 CFR 109.21.
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A. Before BCRA
The Supreme Court first examined
independent expenditures and
coordination or cooperation between
candidates and other persons in Buckley
v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 58 (1976), though
coordination was not explicitly
addressed in the Act at that time. See
Public Law 93–443, 88 Stat. 1263
(1974); Public Law 92–225, 86 Stat. 3
(1972) (codified as amended at 2 U.S.C.
431 et seq.). In Buckley, the Court
distinguished expenditures that were
not truly independent—that is,
expenditures made in coordination with
a candidate or the candidate’s
authorized committee—from
constitutionally protected ‘‘independent
expenditures.’’ Buckley, 424 U.S. at 78–
82. The Court noted that a third party’s
‘‘prearrangement and coordination of an
expenditure with the candidate or his
agent’’ presents a ‘‘danger that
expenditures will be given as a quid pro
quo for improper commitments from the
candidate.’’ Id. at 47. The Court further
noted that the Act’s contribution limits
must not be circumvented through
‘‘prearranged or coordinated
expenditures amounting to disguised
contributions.’’ Id. The Court concluded
that a ‘‘contribution’’ includes ‘‘all
expenditures placed in cooperation with
or with the consent of a candidate, his
agents, or an authorized committee of
the candidate.’’ Id. at 78; see also id. at
47 n.53.
After Buckley, Congress amended the
Act to define an ‘‘independent
expenditure’’ as excluding an
expenditure made in ‘‘cooperation or
consultation with’’ or ‘‘in concert with,
or at the request or suggestion of’’ a
candidate or the candidate’s authorized
committee or agent. Public Law 94–283
(1976) (now codified at 2 U.S.C.
431(17)). Congress also amended the Act
to provide that an expenditure ‘‘shall be
considered to be a contribution’’ when
it is made by any person ‘‘in
cooperation, consultation, or concert,
with, or at the request or suggestion of’’
a candidate, a candidate’s authorized
committees, or their agents. Public Law
94–283 (1976) (codified at 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(B)(i) (1976)). The Act treats
expenditures made for the
dissemination, distribution, or
republication of campaign materials
prepared by a candidate, a candidate’s
authorized committees, or their agents
as contributions. See Public Law 94–283
(1976) (now codified at 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(B)(iii)). Although Congress
made some adjustments to the Act in
the decades following Buckley, as
discussed below, the coordination
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provisions remained substantively
unchanged until BCRA.
Prior to the enactment of BCRA, the
Commission adopted new coordination
regulations in response to several court
decisions.3 See 11 CFR 100.23 (2001);
Explanation and Justification for Final
Rules on General Public Political
Communications Coordinated with
Candidates and Party Committees;
Independent Expenditures, 65 FR 76138
(Dec. 6, 2000). Drawing on judicial
guidance in Christian Coalition, the
Commission defined a new term,
‘‘coordinated general public political
communication’’ (‘‘GPPC’’), to
determine whether expenditures for
communications by unauthorized
committees, advocacy groups, and
individuals qualified as independent
expenditures or were coordinated with
candidates or party committees. A GPPC
that ‘‘included’’ a clearly identified
candidate was coordinated if a third
party paid for it and if it was created,
produced, or distributed (1) at the
candidate’s or party committee’s request
or suggestion; (2) after the candidate or
party committee exercised control or
decision-making authority over certain
factors; or (3) after ‘‘substantial
discussion or negotiation’’ with the
candidate or party committee regarding
certain factors. 11 CFR 100.23(b), (c)
(2001). The regulations explained that
‘‘substantial discussion or negotiation
may be evidenced by one or more
meetings, conversations or conferences
regarding the value or importance of the
communication for a particular
election.’’ 11 CFR 100.23(c)(2)(iii)
(2001).
B. Impact of BCRA
In 2002, Congress revised the
coordination provisions in the Act. See
BCRA at secs. 202, 214, 116 Stat. at 90–
91, 94–95. BCRA retained the statutory
provision that an expenditure is a
contribution to a candidate when it is
made by any person ‘‘in cooperation,
consultation, or concert, with, or at the
request or suggestion of’’ that candidate,
the candidate’s authorized committee,
3 See Colo. Republican Fed. Campaign Comm. v.
FEC, 518 U.S. 604 (1996) (concluding that political
parties may make independent expenditures on
behalf of their Federal candidates); FEC v. Christian
Coalition, 52 F. Supp. 2d 45, 92 (D.D.C. 1999)
(‘‘Christian Coalition’’) (concluding that an
‘‘expressive expenditure’’ only becomes
‘‘coordinated’’ when the candidate requests or
suggests the expenditure or when a candidate can
exercise control over or when there has been
substantial discussion or negotiation between the
candidate and the spender over a communication’s:
(1) Content; (2) timing; (3) location, mode, or
intended audience (e.g., choice between newspaper
or radio advertisement); or (4) ‘‘volume’’ (e.g.,
number of copies of printed materials or frequency
of media spots)).
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or their agents. See 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(B)(i). BCRA added a similar
provision governing coordination with
political party committees:
Expenditures made by any person, other
than a candidate or the candidate’s
authorized committee, ‘‘in cooperation,
consultation, or concert, with, or at the
request or suggestion of’’ a national,
State, or local party committee, are
contributions to that political party
committee. 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(7)(B)(ii).
BCRA also amended the Act to specify
that a coordinated electioneering
communication shall be a contribution
to, and expenditure by, the candidate
supported by that communication or
that candidate’s party. See 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(C).
BCRA expressly repealed the GPPC
regulation at 11 CFR 100.23 and
directed the Commission to promulgate
new regulations on ‘‘coordinated
communications’’ in their place. See
BCRA at sec. 214, 116 Stat. at 94–95.
Although Congress did not define the
term ‘‘coordinated communications’’ in
BCRA, the statute specified that the
Commission’s new regulations ‘‘shall
not require agreement or formal
collaboration to establish
coordination.’’ 4 BCRA at sec. 214(c),
116 Stat. at 95. BCRA also required that,
‘‘[i]n addition to any subject determined
by the Commission, the regulations
shall address (1) payments for the
republication of campaign materials; (2)
payments for the use of a common
vendor; (3) payments for
communications directed or made by
persons who previously served as an
employee of a candidate or a political
party; and (4) payments for
communications made by a person after
substantial discussion about the
communication with a candidate or a
political party.’’ BCRA at sec. 214(c),
116 Stat. at 95; 2 U.S.C. 441a(7)(B)(ii)
note.
As detailed below, the Commission
promulgated revised coordinated
communications regulations in 2002 as
required by BCRA. Several aspects of
those revised regulations were
successfully challenged in Shays v. FEC,
337 F. Supp. 2d 28 (D.D.C. 2004)
(‘‘Shays I District’’), aff’d, Shays v. FEC,
414 F.3d 76 (DC Cir. 2005) (‘‘Shays I
Appeal’’), petition for reh’g en banc
denied, No. 04–5352 (DC Cir. Oct. 21,
2005). In 2006, the Commission further
revised its coordination regulations in
4 The Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia has noted that ‘‘[a]part from this negative
command—‘shall not require’—BCRA merely listed
several topics the rules ‘shall address,’ providing no
guidance as to how the FEC should address them.’’
Shays v. Federal FEC, 414 F.3d 76, 97–98 (DC Cir.
2005).
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response to Shays I Appeal. These
revised rules were themselves
challenged in Shays v. FEC, 508 F.
Supp. 2d 10 (D.D.C. 2007) (‘‘Shays III
District’’), aff’d, Shays v. FEC, 528 F.3d
914 (DC Cir. 2008) (‘‘Shays III
Appeal’’).5 The Commission is issuing
this Notice of Proposed Rulemaking
(‘‘NPRM’’) in response to Shays III
Appeal.
C. 2002 Rulemaking
On December 17, 2002, the
Commission promulgated regulations as
required by BCRA. See 11 CFR 109.21
(2003); see also Explanation and
Justification for Final Rules on
Coordinated and Independent
Expenditures, 68 FR 421 (Jan. 3, 2003)
(‘‘2002 E&J’’). The Commission’s 2002
coordinated communication regulations
set forth a three-prong test for
determining whether a communication
is a coordinated communication, and
therefore an in-kind contribution to, and
an expenditure by, a candidate, a
candidate’s authorized committee, or a
political party committee. See 11 CFR
109.21(a). First, the communication
must be paid for by someone other than
a candidate, a candidate’s authorized
committee, a political party committee,
or their agents (the ‘‘payment prong’’).
See 11 CFR 109.21(a)(1) (2003). Second,
the communication must satisfy one of
four content standards (the ‘‘content
prong’’). See 11 CFR 109.21(a)(2), (c)
(2003). Third, the communication must
satisfy one of five conduct standards
(the ‘‘conduct prong’’).6 See 11 CFR
109.21(a)(3), (d) (2003). A
communication must satisfy all three
prongs to be a ‘‘coordinated
communication.’’
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1. Content Standards
As stated in the 2002 E&J, each of the
four standards that comprise the content
prong of the 2002 coordinated
communication regulation identified a
category of communications whose
‘‘subject matter is reasonably related to
an election.’’ 2002 E&J, 68 FR at 427.
The first content standard is satisfied if
the communication is an electioneering
communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(c)(1) (2003). The second content
standard is satisfied by a public
communication made at any time that
disseminates, distributes, or republishes
5 A third case filed by the same Plaintiff, referred
to as ‘‘Shays II,’’ addressed the Commission’s
approach to regulating so-called ‘‘527’’
organizations and is not relevant to the
coordination rules at issue in this NPRM. See Shays
v. FEC, 511 F. Supp. 2d 19 (D.D.C. 2007).
6 A sixth conduct standard clarifies the
application of the other five to the dissemination,
distribution, or republication of campaign
materials. See 11 CFR 109.21(d)(6) (2003).
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campaign materials prepared by a
candidate, a candidate’s authorized
committee, or agents thereof. See 11
CFR 109.21(c)(2) (2003), 109.37(a)(2)(i)
(2003). The third content standard is
satisfied if a public communication
made at any time expressly advocates
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate for Federal office.
See 11 CFR 109.21(c)(3) (2003),
109.37(a)(2)(ii) (2003). The fourth
content standard is satisfied if a public
communication (1) refers to a political
party or a clearly identified Federal
candidate; 7 (2) is publicly distributed or
publicly disseminated 120 days or fewer
before an election (the ‘‘120-Day Time
Window’’); and (3) is directed to voters
in the jurisdiction of the clearly
identified Federal candidate or to voters
in a jurisdiction in which one or more
candidates of the political party appear
on the ballot. See 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4)
(2003).
2. Conduct Standards
The 2002 coordinated communication
regulations also contained five conduct
standards.8 A communication created,
produced, or distributed (1) at the
request or suggestion of, (2) after
material involvement by, or (3) after
substantial discussion with, a candidate,
a candidate’s authorized committee, or
a political party committee, would
satisfy the first three conduct standards.
See 11 CFR 109.21(d)(1)–(3) (2003).
These three conduct standards were not
at issue in Shays III Appeal, and are not
addressed in this rulemaking.
The remaining two conduct
standards, which are at issue in this
rulemaking, are the (1) ‘‘common
vendor’’ and (2) ‘‘former employee’’
standards. The common vendor conduct
standard is satisfied if (1) the person
paying for the communication contracts
with, or employs, a ‘‘commercial
vendor’’ to create, produce, or distribute
the communication, (2) the commercial
vendor has provided certain specified
services to the political party committee
or the clearly identified candidate
referred to in the communication within
the current election cycle, and (3) the
commercial vendor uses or conveys
information to the person paying for the
communication about the plans,
projects, activities, or needs of the
candidate or political party committee,
7 The party coordinated communications content
prong contains a similar standard, except that
element (1) includes only references to clearly
identified Federal candidates. 11 CFR
109.37(a)(2)(iii) (2003).
8 The party coordinated communications rule
incorporated the same conduct standards by
reference to 11 CFR 109.21(d)(1) through (d)(6). See
11 CFR 109.37(a)(3) (2003).
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or information used by the commercial
vendor in serving the candidate or
political party committee, and that
information is material to the creation,
production, or distribution of the
communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4) (2003).
The former employee conduct
standard is satisfied if (1) the
communication is paid for by a person,
or by the employer of a person, who was
an employee or independent contractor
of the candidate or the political party
committee clearly identified in the
communication within the current
election cycle, and (2) the former
employee or independent contractor
uses or conveys information to the
person paying for the communication
about the plans, projects, activities, or
needs of the candidate or political party
committee, or information used by the
former employee or independent
contractor in serving the candidate or
political party committee, and that
information is material to the creation,
distribution, or production of the
communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(d)(5) (2003).
These two conduct standards covered
former employees, independent
contractors, and vendors 9 only if they
had provided services to a candidate or
party committee during the ‘‘current
election cycle,’’ as defined in 11 CFR
100.3. 2002 E&J, 68 FR at 436; 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4), (5) (2003).
D. Shays I Appeal
The Court of Appeals in Shays I
Appeal found that the content prong
regulations did not run counter to the
unambiguously expressed intent of
Congress. Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at
99–100 (applying Chevron U.S.A., Inc.
v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467
U.S. 837 (1984)). Nonetheless, the court
found the 120-Day Time Window in the
fourth standard of the content prong of
the coordinated communication
regulations to be unsupported by
adequate explanation and justification
and, thus, arbitrary and capricious
under the Administrative Procedure Act
(‘‘APA’’) and affirmed the Shays I
District court’s invalidation of the rule.
Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at 102.
Although the Court of Appeals found
the explanation for the particular time
frame adopted to be lacking, the Shays
I Appeal court rejected the argument
that the Commission is precluded from
establishing a ‘‘bright line test.’’ Id. at
99.
9 See 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4)(ii) for the specific
services that a vendor must provide in order to
trigger the common vendor standard.
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The Shays I Appeal court concluded
that the regulation’s ‘‘fatal defect’’ was
in offering no persuasive justification
for the 120-Day Time Window and ‘‘the
weak restraints applying outside of it.’’
Id. at 100. The court concluded that, by
limiting coordinated communications
made outside of the 120-Day Time
Window to communications containing
express advocacy or the republication of
campaign materials, the Commission
‘‘has in effect allowed a coordinated
communication free-for-all for much of
each election cycle.’’ Id. Indeed, the
‘‘most important’’ question the court
asked was, ‘‘would candidates and
collaborators aiming to influence
elections simply shift coordinated
spending outside that period to avoid
the challenged rules’ restrictions?’’ Id. at
102.
The Shays I Appeal court required the
Commission to undertake a factual
inquiry to determine whether the
temporal line that it drew ‘‘reasonably
defines the period before an election
when non-express advocacy likely
relates to purposes other than
‘influencing’ a Federal election’’ or
whether it ‘‘will permit exactly what
BCRA aims to prevent: evasion of
campaign finance restrictions through
unregulated collaboration.’’ Id. at 101–
02.
E. 2005 Rulemaking
In 2005, in the post-Shays I Appeal
rulemaking, the Commission proposed
seven alternatives for revising the
content prong. See Notice of Proposed
Rulemaking on Coordinated
Communications, 70 FR 73946 (Dec. 14,
2005) (‘‘2005 NPRM’’). The Commission
also used licensed data that provided
empirical information regarding the
timing, frequency and cost of television
advertising spots in the 2004 election
cycle. See Supplemental Notice of
Proposed Rulemaking on Coordinated
Communications, 71 FR 13306 (Mar. 15,
2006).
Although not challenged in Shays I
Appeal, the ‘‘election cycle’’ time frame
of the common vendor and former
employee conduct standards at 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4) and (5), among other
aspects of that prong, was also
reconsidered in the 2005 NPRM. The
Commission sought comment on how
the ‘‘election cycle’’ time limitation
works in practice and whether the
strategic value of information on a
candidate’s plans, products, and
activities lasts throughout the election
cycle. 2005 NPRM, 70 FR at 73955–56.
The Commission also noted that the
party coordinated communication
regulation, while not addressed in
Shays I Appeal, contained a three-prong
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test that was ‘‘substantially the same’’ as
the coordinated communication
regulation that had been invalidated by
the Shays I Appeal court. 2005 NPRM,
70 FR at 73956. The Commission sought
comment on whether it should make
conforming changes to the party
coordinated communication regulation
if it revised the existing coordinated
communication regulation. 2005 NPRM,
70 FR at 73956.
In 2006, the Commission promulgated
revised rules that retained the content
prong at 11 CFR 109.21(c), but revised
the time periods in the fourth content
standard. Relying on the licensed
empirical data, the Commission revised
the coordinated communication
regulation at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4) and
applied different time periods for
communications coordinated with
Presidential candidates (120 days before
a State’s primary through the general
election), congressional candidates
(separate 90-day time windows before a
primary and before a general election),
and political parties (tied to either the
Presidential or congressional time
periods, depending on the
communication and election cycle). See
Explanation and Justification for Final
Rules on Coordinated Communications,
71 FR 33190 (June 8, 2006) (‘‘2006
E&J’’).
The 2006 coordinated communication
regulations also reduced the period of
time during which a common vendor’s
or former employee’s relationship with
the authorized committee or political
party committee referred to in the
communication could satisfy the
conduct prong, from the entire election
cycle to 120 days. 2006 E&J, 71 FR at
33204. The 2006 E&J noted that,
especially in regard to the six-year
Senate election cycles, the ‘‘election
cycle’’ time limit was ‘‘overly broad and
unnecessary to the effective
implementation of the coordination
provisions.’’ Id. The 2006 E&J reasoned
that 120 days was a ‘‘more appropriate’’
limit. Id.
Although the party coordinated
communication regulations were not
addressed in the Shays I Appeal, in
2006 the Commission also revised the
regulations at 11 CFR 109.37 to provide
consistency with revisions to the
coordinated communication regulations
at 11 CFR 109.21. Specifically, the
Commission revised the time periods in
the content standard at 11 CFR
109.37(a)(2)(iii) of the party coordinated
communication regulations, adopting
the same time periods for presidential
candidates (120 days before a State’s
primary through the general election)
and congressional candidates (90 days
before the primary and general
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elections) as in the coordinated
communication regulations at 11 CFR
109.21(c)(4). See 2006 E&J, 71 FR at
33207. The Commission also
incorporated into the party coordinated
communication regulations the new safe
harbors at 11 CFR 109.21(d)(2)–(5) for
use of publicly available information,
and the safe harbors at 11 CFR 109.21(g)
for endorsements and solicitations by
Federal candidates, and at 11 CFR
109.21(h) for the establishment and use
of a firewall. See 2006 E&J, 71 FR at
33207–08.
F. Shays III Appeal
On June 13, 2008, the Court of
Appeals issued its opinion in Shays III
Appeal.
1. Content Standards
The Shays III Appeal court held that
the Commission’s decision to apply
‘‘express advocacy’’ as the only content
standard10 outside the 90-day and 120day windows ‘‘runs counter to BCRA’s
purpose as well as the APA.’’ Shays III
Appeal, 528 F.3d at 926. The court
found that, although the administrative
record demonstrated that the ‘‘vast
majority’’ of advertisements were run in
the more strictly regulated 90-day and
120-day windows, a ‘‘significant
number’’ of advertisements ran before
those windows and ‘‘very few ads
contain magic words.’’11 Id. at 924. The
Shays III Appeal court held that ‘‘the
FEC’s decision to regulate ads more
strictly within the 90/120-day windows
was perfectly reasonable, but its
decision to apply a ‘functionally
meaningless’ standard outside those
windows was not.’’ Id. at 924 (quoting
McConnell v. FEC, 540 U.S. 93, 193
(2003)) (concluding that Buckley’s
‘magic words’ requirement is
‘‘functionally meaningless’’); see also
McConnell v. FEC, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176,
303–04 (D.D.C. 2003) (Henderson, J.); id.
at 534 (Kollar-Kotelly, J.); id. at 875–79
(Leon, J.)) (discussing ‘‘magic words’’).
The court noted that ‘‘although the
FEC * * * may choose a content
standard less restrictive than the most
restrictive it could impose, it must
demonstrate that the standard it selects
‘rationally separates election-related
advocacy from other activity falling
outside FECA’s expenditure
definition.’’’12 Shays III Appeal, 528
10 The court did not address the republication of
campaign materials, see 11 CFR 109.21(c)(2), in its
analysis of the period outside the time windows.
11 ‘‘Magic words’’ are ‘‘examples of words of
express advocacy, such as ‘vote for,’ ‘elect,’
‘support,’ * * * ‘defeat,’ [and] ‘reject.’’’ McConnell
v. FEC, 540 U.S. 93, 191 (2003) (quoting Buckley,
424 U.S. at 44 n.52).
12 An ‘‘expenditure’’ includes ‘‘any purchase,
payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or
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F.3d at 926 (quoting Shays I Appeal, 414
F.3d at 102). The court stated that ‘‘the
‘express advocacy’ standard fails that
test,’’ but did not explicitly articulate a
less restrictive standard that would meet
the test. Id.
The court expressed particular
concern about a possible scenario in
which, ‘‘more than 90/120 days before
an election, candidates may ask wealthy
supporters to fund ads on their behalf,
so long as those ads do not contain
magic words.’’ Id. at 925. The court
noted that the Commission ‘‘would do
nothing about’’ such coordination,
‘‘even if a contract formalizing the
coordination and specifying that it was
‘for the purpose of influencing a Federal
election’ appeared on the front page of
the New York Times.’’ Id. The court
held that such a rule not only frustrates
Congress’s purpose to prohibit funds in
excess of the applicable contribution
limits from being used in connection
with Federal elections, but ‘‘provides a
clear roadmap for doing so.’’ Id.
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2. Conduct Standards
The Shays III Appeal court also
invalidated the 120-day period of time
during which a common vendor’s or
former campaign employee’s
relationship with an authorized
committee or political party committee
could satisfy the conduct prong at 11
CFR 109.21(d)(4) and (d)(5). Shays III
Appeal, 528 F.3d at 928–29. The Shays
III Appeal court found that with respect
to the change in the 2006 coordinated
communication regulations from the
‘‘current election cycle’’ to a 120-day
period, ‘‘the Commission’s
generalization that material information
may not remain material for long
overlooks the possibility that some
information * * * may very well
remain material for at least the duration
of a campaign.’’ Id. at 928. The court
therefore found that the Commission
had failed to justify the change to a 120day time window, and, as such, the
change was arbitrary and capricious. Id.
The court concluded that, while the
Commission may have discretion in
drawing a bright line in this area, it had
not provided an adequate explanation
for the 120-day time period, and that the
Commission must support its decision
with reasoning and evidence. Id. at 929.
II. Proposals To Address Coordinated
Communications Content Standards
To address the Shays III Appeal
court’s concern regarding electionrelated communications taking place
gift of money or anything of value, made by any
person for the purpose of influencing any election
for Federal office.’’ 2 U.S.C. 431(9); see also 11 CFR
100.111(a).
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outside the 90-day and 120-day
windows, the Commission is
considering retaining the existing four
content standards in 11 CFR 109.21(c),
and adopting one or more of the
following four approaches: (1) Adopting
a content standard to cover public
communications that promote, support,
attack, or oppose a political party or a
clearly identified Federal candidate (the
‘‘PASO standard’’); (2) adopting a
content standard to cover public
communications that are the ‘‘functional
equivalent of express advocacy,’’ as
articulated in FEC v. Wis. Right to Life,
Inc., 551 U.S. 449, 469–70 (2007) (the
‘‘Modified WRTL content standard’’); (3)
clarifying that the existing content
standard includes express advocacy as
defined under both 11 CFR 100.22(a)
and (b); and (4) adopting a standard that
pairs a public communication standard
with a new conduct standard (the
‘‘Explicit Agreement’’ standard).13 The
Commission has not made any
determination as to which, if any, of
these standards to adopt in the final
rules, or whether it should adopt a
combination of these standards, or some
other standard altogether.
The Commission invites comment on
which, if any, of the four proposals best
complies with the Shays III Appeal
decision and why. The Commission is
particularly interested in whether any of
the proposals, standing alone, would
satisfy the decision of the Court of
Appeals in Shays III Appeal.
Additionally, several of the alternatives
propose broader content standards than
those that are currently in 11 CFR
109.21, thus potentially bringing a
broader range of communications under
the Commission’s more restrictive
contribution regulations. The
Commission invites comment on how
this possibility relates to (1) the
Commission’s jurisdictional limitations;
(2) the distinction courts have drawn
between contributions versus
independent spending and other
protected speech (see, e.g., Buckley, 524
U.S. at 22; FEC v. Colo. Republican Fed.
Campaign Comm., 533 U.S. 431 (2001)
(‘‘Colorado II’’); Colo. Republican Fed.
Campaign Comm. v. FEC, 518 U.S. 604
(1996) (‘‘Colorado I’’)); and (3) the
possibility that enforcement of the
Commission’s regulations that draw the
13 A ‘‘public communication’’ is ‘‘a
communication by means of any broadcast, cable,
or satellite communication, newspaper, magazine,
outdoor advertising facility, mass mailing, or
telephone bank to the general public, or any other
form of general public political advertising. The
term general public political advertising shall not
include communications over the Internet, except
for communications placed for a fee on another
person’s Web site.’’ 11 CFR 100.26; see also 2 U.S.C.
431(22).
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line between independent and
coordinated speech may have the
potential to chill independent speech.
A. Alternative 1—The PASO Standard—
Proposed 11 CFR 109.21(c)(3) and
Proposed PASO Definition Alternatives
A and B at 11 CFR 100.23
Alternative 1 would amend 11 CFR
109.21(c) by replacing the express
advocacy standard with a PASO
standard. Under the PASO standard,
any public communication that
promotes, supports, attacks, or opposes
a political party or a clearly identified
candidate for Federal office would meet
the content prong of the coordinated
communications test, without regard to
when the communication is made or the
targeted audience. The Commission also
is considering two alternative
definitions of promote, support, attack,
or oppose (‘‘PASO’’).
1. Background
In BCRA, Congress created a number
of new campaign finance provisions that
apply to communications that PASO
Federal candidates. For example,
Congress included public
communications that refer to a
candidate for Federal office and that
PASO a candidate for that office as one
type of Federal election activity (‘‘Type
III’’ Federal election activity). BCRA
requires that State, district, and local
party committees, Federal candidates,
and State candidates pay for PASO
communications entirely with Federal
funds. See 2 U.S.C. 431(20)(A)(iii);
441i(b), (e), (f); see also 2 U.S.C. 441i(d)
(prohibiting national, State, district, and
local party committees from soliciting
donations for tax-exempt organizations
that make expenditures or
disbursements for Federal election
activity).
Congress also included PASO in the
backup definition of ‘‘electioneering
communication,’’ should that term’s
primary definition be found to be
constitutionally insufficient. See 2
U.S.C. 434(f)(3)(A)(ii). In addition,
Congress also incorporated by reference
Type III Federal election activity as a
limit on the exemptions that the
Commission may make from the
definition of ‘‘electioneering
communication.’’ See 2 U.S.C.
434(f)(3)(B)(iv); see also 2 U.S.C.
431(20)(A)(iii). Congress did not define
PASO or any of its component terms.
Accordingly, the Commission
incorporated PASO in its regulations
defining ‘‘Federal election activity,’’ and
in the soft money rules governing State
and local party committee
communications and the allocation of
funds for these communications. See 11
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CFR 100.24(b)(3) and (c)(1); 11 CFR
300.33(c), 300.71, 300.72. The
Commission also incorporated PASO as
a limit to the exemption for State and
local candidates from the definition of
‘‘electioneering communication,’’ and as
a limit to the safe harbors from the
coordinated communications rules for
endorsements and solicitations. See 11
CFR 100.29(c)(5) and 109.21(g). To date,
the Commission has not adopted a
regulatory definition of either PASO or
any of its component terms.
The Supreme Court in McConnell
upheld the statutory PASO standard in
the context of BCRA’s provisions
limiting party committees’ Federal
election activities to Federal funds,
noting that ‘‘any public communication
that promotes or attacks a clearly
identified Federal candidate directly
affects the election in which he is
participating.’’ McConnell, 540 U.S. at
170. The Court further found that Type
III Federal election activity was not
unconstitutionally vague because the
‘‘words ‘promote,’ ‘oppose,’ ‘attack,’ and
‘support’ clearly set forth the confines
within which potential party speakers
must act in order to avoid triggering the
provision.’’ Id. at 170 n.64. The Court
stated that the PASO words ‘‘ ‘provide
explicit standards for those who apply
them’ and ‘give the person of ordinary
intelligence a reasonable opportunity to
know what is prohibited.’ ’’ Id. (quoting
Grayned v. City of Rockford, 408 U.S.
104, 108–09 (1972)). The Court stated
that this is ‘‘particularly the case’’ with
regard to Federal election activity,
‘‘since actions taken by political parties
are presumed to be in connection with
election campaigns.’’ Id.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether the Supreme Court’s statement
that the ‘‘words ‘promote,’ ‘oppose,’
‘attack,’ and ‘support’ clearly set forth
the confines within which potential
party speakers must act’’ applies (1)
only to party committees, or also to
other speakers; and (2) only to Federal
election activity, or also in other
contexts. After McConnell, is any rule
defining PASO, or its component terms,
necessary? Would a regulatory
definition nonetheless be helpful in
providing guidance and explicit
standards whereby persons would know
which communications are intended to
be covered and which ones are not?
Additionally, does the Court’s
decision in Wisconsin Right to Life have
any effect on the scope of the definition
of PASO? After Wisconsin Right to Life,
is it permissible for the Commission to
regulate any speech, whether
independent or not, that does not fall
within either the Court’s definition of
‘‘express advocacy’’ or its definition of
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the ‘‘functional equivalent of express
advocacy’’? Is the decision in Wisconsin
Right to Life applicable in the
coordinated communications context,
since the Court’s decision was confined
to independent electioneering
communications?
2. Content Standard
The court in Shays III Appeal held
that the Commission ‘‘must demonstrate
that the standard it selects ‘rationally
separates election-related advocacy from
other activity falling outside FECA’s
expenditure definition.’ ’’ Shays III
Appeal, 528 F.3d at 926 (quoting Shays
I Appeal, 414 F.3d at 102). The
Commission seeks comment, consistent
with the decision in Shays III Appeal,
on whether use of the PASO standard,
which would replace, but incorporate,
the express advocacy standard, and
whether alone or in conjunction with a
definition of PASO, would rationally
separate election-related advocacy from
other communications falling outside
the Act’s expenditure definition.
The Commission also seeks comment
on whether the PASO standard, either
alone, or in conjunction with a
definition of PASO, could potentially
encompass public communications that
are not made for the purpose of
influencing a Federal election. If so,
should the PASO standard be limited
by, for example, requiring that the
communication be disseminated in the
jurisdiction in which the clearly
identified candidate seeks election, or in
some other way? See, e.g., Alternative B
at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b)(4).
Alternatively, could communications
disseminated outside the jurisdiction in
which the clearly identified candidate
seeks election still be made for the
purpose of influencing the election,
such as by soliciting funds for the
election or generating other
communications that will be directed to
the jurisdiction? One such example
would be a communication distributed
outside Ohio that states: ‘‘Write your
friends in Ohio and urge them to
support/oppose candidate X.’’
Conversely, the Commission seeks
comment on whether limiting the PASO
standard could potentially exclude
public communications that are made
for the purpose of influencing a Federal
election provided that the payment and
conduct prongs of the coordinated
communication regulation are also
satisfied. Would limiting the PASO
standard fail to address the court’s
concern in Shays III Appeal that the
Commission rationally separate
election-related advocacy from other
communications falling outside the
Act’s expenditure definition?
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3. PASO Definitions
As part of its consideration of a PASO
content standard, the Commission is
also considering whether it should
adopt a definition of PASO. This NPRM
sets forth two possible approaches to
defining PASO. In brief, the proposed
PASO definition in Alternative A
provides a specific definition for each of
the component terms, which applies
when any of those terms is used in
conjunction with one or more of the
other terms. See Alternative A at
proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b). The
proposed PASO definition in
Alternative B utilizes a multi-prong test
to determine whether a given
communication PASOs. See Alternative
B at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b). The
Commission seeks public comment on
the proposed alternative definitions at
11 CFR 100.23. In light of the Supreme
Court’s conclusion in McConnell, as
discussed above, that the component
terms of the PASO standard ‘‘provide
explicit standards for those who apply
them and ‘give the person of ordinary
intelligence a reasonable opportunity to
know what is prohibited,’ ’’ McConnell,
540 U.S. at 170 n.64, the Commission
seeks comment on whether any
regulatory definition is necessary or
whether such a definition would be
confusing.
a. Proposed Applicability
The proposed PASO definitions differ
in their applicability. Proposed
Alternative A would apply to those
instances in the Commission regulations
in which two or more of the four
component PASO words are used
together. See Alternative A at proposed
11 CFR 100.23(a). Proposed Alternative
B would apply to those instances in the
Commission regulations in which all
four of the component PASO words are
used together. See Alternative B at
proposed 11 CFR 100.23(a). The
Commission seeks comment on whether
the proposed applicability of either
alternative is underinclusive or
overinclusive.
The Act articulates the PASO concept
by using the following phraseology:
‘‘promotes or supports a candidate for
that office, or attacks or opposes a
candidate for that office.’’ 2 U.S.C.
431(20)(A)(iii) (definition of ‘‘Federal
election activity’’); 434(f)(3)(A)(ii)
(backup definition of ‘‘electioneering
communication’’). The Commission has
adopted several similar, though not
identical, phrases throughout its
regulations. Some of the regulations
group the four words in two disjunctive
groups of two (e.g., promote or support,
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or attack or oppose) 14 and some of the
regulations group the words in one
disjunctive group of four (e.g., promote,
support, attack, or oppose).15
Additionally, the words ‘‘promote,’’
‘‘support,’’ and ‘‘oppose’’ appear
throughout the Act and Commission
regulations often in other contexts
unrelated to communications that PASO
and unrelated to any electoral context.
For example, the word ‘‘support’’ is
used individually throughout the Act
and Commission regulations in the
context of technical, administrative, or
financial support or ‘‘supporting
documentation.’’ 16 The word ‘‘support’’
is also used individually in Commission
regulations with respect to political
committees and individuals that
support candidates financially or in
other, non-communicative, ways.17 The
word ‘‘opposed’’ is used individually in
the Commission’s definition of
‘‘election.’’ See 11 CFR 100.2(a)
(definition of ‘‘election’’ includes
‘‘opposed’’ and ‘‘unopposed’’
individuals).
The words are also used in
combinations of less than four in some
contexts that may be closer to that
contemplated by the Commission in
proposing the PASO definition. For
example, many of the reporting
requirements in the Act and
Commission regulations concern
communications that support or oppose
clearly identified candidates.18 Also,
several provisions in the Act and
14 See, e.g., 11 CFR 100.24(b)(3) (definition of
Federal election activity) (‘‘promotes or supports, or
attacks or opposes any candidate for Federal
office’’), 100.24(c)(1) (exception from definition of
Federal election activity) (‘‘promote or support, or
attack or oppose a clearly identified candidate for
Federal office’’), and 300.71 (Federal funds for
certain public communications) (‘‘promotes or
supports any candidate for that Federal office, or
attacks or opposes any candidate for that Federal
office’’).
15 See, e.g., 11 CFR 100.29(c)(5) (electioneering
communications) (‘‘promote, support, attack, or
oppose’’), 109.21(g) (coordinated communications
safe harbor) (‘‘promotes, supports, attacks, or
opposes’’), 300.33 (allocation of Federal election
activity) (‘‘promote, support, attack, or oppose’’),
and 300.72 (Federal funds not required for certain
public communications) (‘‘promote, support, attack,
or oppose’’).
16 See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 442 (technical support); 11
CFR 110.14(j)(2)(viii) (administrative support); see
also 11 CFR 200.3(a)(1) (comments ‘‘in support of
or opposition to’’ Commission Federal Register
publication).
17 See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 434(a)(10) (reporting
requirements for committees supporting vice
presidential candidates), (f)(3)(B)(iii)
(communications which promote debates or
forums); 11 CFR 110.2(l)(1)(iii)(A) (the use of
polling to determine the support level for a
candidate), and 9008.50 (promotion of convention
city by national convention committee).
18 See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 434(b)(6)(B), (c)(2)(A)
(reporting of expenditures); 11 CFR 104.4(b)(2), (c)
and (e) (reporting independent expenditures).
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Commission regulations treat certain
communications or disbursements
differently on the basis of whether they
support, promote, or oppose
candidates.19
Given the many uses of the words
‘‘promote,’’ ‘‘support,’’ and ‘‘oppose’’
throughout the Act and Commission
regulations, the Commission seeks
comment on whether the PASO
definition should apply only when at
least two of the four PASO component
words appear together (as in Alternative
A). Should the PASO definition apply
instead only when all four PASO
component words appear together (as in
Alternative B)? Or, should the PASO
definition apply wherever any one of
the four PASO component words
appears in the Commission’s
regulations? Are there particular rules
that use only one or two of the four
PASO words—such as the expenditure
reporting rules20—to which the
proposed definitions should or should
not apply? Should the proposed PASO
definition apply to the definition of
‘‘generic campaign activity’’ in 11 CFR
100.25 because section 100.25
implements BCRA? Finally, the
Commission seeks comment on whether
it should limit the applicability of the
proposed definitions of PASO to only
coordinated communications. Such an
approach could result in divergent
meanings of PASO in coordination and
other contexts, such as Federal election
activity or electioneering
communications. Would this create
confusion?
In addition, the Commission seeks
comment on whether, in the absence of
the proposed guidance above, it would
be clear from a particular regulation’s
use of ‘‘promote,’’ ‘‘support,’’ ‘‘attack,’’
and ‘‘oppose’’ alone, that the PASO
definitions would apply based on
whether the word is used in an electoral
context.
b. Proposed Dictionary Definitions
Consistent with the Supreme Court’s
statement concerning PASO in
McConnell, both proposed PASO
definitions would construe the words
‘‘promote,’’ ‘‘support,’’ ‘‘attack,’’ and
‘‘oppose’’ according to the words’
commonly understood meaning
applicable to the election context. The
proposed PASO definitions do,
19 See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 431(21) (‘‘generic campaign
activity’’ defined as ‘‘promotes a political party’’ but
not a candidate); 11 CFR 100.25 (‘‘generic campaign
activity’’), 100.57 (solicitations to support or oppose
a candidate), 114.9(a)(1) and (b)(1) (use of corporate
or labor organization facilities).
20 See, e.g., 11 CFR 104.3(b)(3)(vii)(B), 104.4(b)(2),
(c) and (e); 11 CFR 104.5(g)(3), 104.6(c)(4),
109.10(e)(1)(iv).
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however, differ in some of the
particulars. Proposed Alternative A
would define each of the four
component PASO words separately
according to dictionary definitions.
Proposed Alternative B would not
define any of the four PASO words, but
does provide that a communication
PASOs if it unambiguously performs
one of several actions described in the
dictionary definitions of the component
words.
Dictionary definitions of the word
‘‘promote’’ include ‘‘to help or
encourage to exist or flourish; further; to
advance in rank, dignity, position, etc.’’
and ‘‘to encourage the sales, acceptance,
etc. of (a product), esp. through
advertising or publicity.’’ Webster’s
Unabridged Dictionary 1548 (Random
House 2nd ed. 2005) (‘‘Webster’s
Dictionary’’); see also American
Heritage Dictionary of the English
Language 1095 (4th ed. 2006)
(‘‘American Heritage’’) (defining
‘‘promote’’ as ‘‘to advance; further; to
help’’). The dictionary also identifies
‘‘support * * * elevate, raise, exalt’’ as
synonyms of ‘‘promote.’’ Webster’s
Dictionary at 1548.
Dictionary definitions of the word
‘‘support’’ include ‘‘to uphold (a person,
cause, policy, etc.) by aid, countenance,
one’s vote, etc.’’ and ‘‘to * * * advocate
(a theory, principle, etc.).’’ Webster’s
Dictionary at 1913; see also American
Heritage Dictionary at 1364 (defining
‘‘support’’ as ‘‘to aid; to argue in favor
of; advocate’’).
Dictionary definitions of the word
‘‘attack’’ include ‘‘to blame; to direct
unfavorable criticism against; criticize
severely; argue with strongly.’’
Webster’s Dictionary at 133; see also
American Heritage Dictionary at 88
(defining ‘‘attack’’ as ‘‘to criticize
strongly or in a hostile manner’’).
Dictionary definitions of the word
‘‘oppose’’ include ‘‘to act against or
provide resistance to; to stand in the
way of; hinder; obstruct; to set as an
opponent or adversary; to be hostile or
adverse to, as in opinion.’’ Webster’s
Dictionary at 1359.
Based on these definitions, proposed
Alternative A defines ‘‘promote’’ as ‘‘to
help, encourage, further, or advance.’’ It
defines ‘‘support’’ as ‘‘to uphold, aid, or
advocate.’’ ‘‘Attack’’ is defined to mean
‘‘to argue with, blame or criticize.’’
‘‘Oppose’’ is defined as ‘‘to act against,
hinder, obstruct, be hostile or adverse
to.’’ See proposed Alternative A at 11
CFR 100.23(a). Based on these
definitions, proposed Alternative B
requires that a communication only
PASOs if it ‘‘helps, encourages,
advocates for, praises, furthers, argues
with, sets as an adversary, is hostile or
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adverse to, or criticizes.’’ See proposed
Alternative B at 11 CFR 100.23(b)(2).
The Commission seeks comment on
whether defining each of the component
terms individually, as in Alternative A,
or a single definition for PASO, as in
Alternative B, provides the clearest
guidance. Alternatively, would a
definition that combines some, but not
all, of the terms (such as ‘‘promote or
support’’ or ‘‘attack or oppose’’) be
preferable?
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c. Relationship Between PASO and
Express Advocacy
In addition to these dictionary
definitions, both proposed PASO
definitions would state that all
communications that expressly advocate
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate also PASO that
candidate. See Alternative A at
proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b) and
Alternative B at proposed 11 CFR
100.23(b)(2). The Commission seeks
comment on whether this recognition
that all communications that expressly
advocate will PASO—that is, that
express advocacy is a subset of PASO—
provides useful guidance. Additionally,
the Commission seeks comment on
whether both proposed PASO
definitions apply to a broader range of
communications than the express
advocacy standard as intended.
d. Scope of Proposed PASO Definitions
Under Alternative A, the PASO
definition would not require any
reference to the fact that an individual
is a Federal candidate or any reference
to a political party. The definition in
Alternative B would require an
‘‘explicit’’ reference to either a clearly
identified Federal candidate or a
political party. See proposed Alternative
B at 100.23(b)(1)(ii). Additionally,
Alternative B requires the unambiguous
PASOing of a candidate or party in
addition to a clear nexus between that
candidate or party and an upcoming
election or candidacy.
For PASO with respect to candidates,
Alternative B’s definition of ‘‘clearly
identified’’ incorporates by reference the
definition in 11 CFR 100.17 of the same
term; with respect to parties, the
definition is adapted from 11 CFR
100.17. The Commission invites
comment on whether a reference to a
clearly identified candidate or party is
necessary or appropriate. Alternatively,
would a limited application of the
proposed PASO definition—i.e., to
apply it only to those communications
that constitute Federal election activity,
to communications coordinated with
candidates or parties, and as a limit to
the exemptions from the definition of
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‘‘electioneering communication’’—
suffice in lieu of a ‘‘refers to’’ criterion?
The Commission seeks comment on
whether either Alternative A or
Alternative B is too broad or too narrow
in this respect.
Conversely, not all communications
that refer to a clearly identified Federal
candidate necessarily PASO that
candidate. The Commission has
concluded that a particular proposed
endorsement did not PASO the
endorser. See Advisory Opinion 2003–
25 (Weinzapfel) (the proposed
communication—a television
advertisement in which Senator Bayh
would identify himself and endorse
Jonathan Weinzapfel, a candidate for
State office—did not PASO Senator
Bayh).21 Both alternatives are intended
to reflect the principle in the
Weinzapfel AO that a communication in
which a Federal candidate endorses
another candidate does not, by itself,
PASO the endorser. Both alternatives
are also intended to reflect the idea—in
BCRA’s legislative history and in the
Commission’s prior analysis of PASO—
that identification of a candidate does
not automatically PASO that candidate.
Should the Commission revise the
proposed definitions to better reflect
these principles?
Alternative A, in proposed 11 CFR
100.23(b), also is intended to recognize
that many types of communications may
PASO, even if, on their face, they also
serve another function. For example, the
proposed inclusion of ‘‘in whole or in
part’’ is intended to incorporate the
Commission’s previous analysis that
communications may promote both a
business or organization and a
candidate. Additionally, this proposed
paragraph is consistent with the
Commission’s previous analysis that a
communication may have dual
purposes. See Explanation and
Justification for Final Rules on
Electioneering Communications, 70 FR
75713, 75714 (Dec. 21, 2005). Proposed
paragraph 100.23(b) in Alternative A
would define PASO so that a
communication may PASO a candidate
not as a candidate per se, but in another
capacity such as a prominent
individual, legislator, or public official.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether Alternative A—in which the
PASO component of a communication
may be only one part of the
21 ‘‘The mere identification of an individual who
is a Federal candidate does not automatically
promote, support, attack, or oppose that candidate.’’
148 Cong. Rec. S2143 (daily ed. Mar. 20, 2002)
(statement of Sen. Feingold) (quoted in 2006 E&J,
71 FR at 33202) (PASO exception to the coordinated
communications solicitation and endorsement safe
harbor).
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communication and in which the
communication may not have an
explicit electoral nexus—is consistent
with the Supreme Court’s decisions in
Buckley, McConnell, and Wisconsin
Right to Life. Should Alternative A be
explicitly limited to apply only to those
communications that constitute Federal
election activity, to communications
coordinated with candidates or parties,
and as a limit to the exemptions from
the definition of ‘‘electioneering
communication’’? Alternatively, or
additionally, should Alternative A
define PASO to include fewer
communications, such as by requiring
that, in the absence of an explicit
electoral nexus, the communication
must PASO the candidate’s character,
qualifications, or fitness for office? See,
e.g., Wis. Right to Life, 551 U.S. at 470;
11 CFR 114.15(b)(2), (c)(1)(ii) (referring
to character, qualifications, or fitness for
office as indicia of express advocacy).
Conversely, the Commission seeks
comment on whether Alternative A
should define PASO to include more
communications and, if so, how.
Alternative B is intended to exclude
communications directed only at
legislation or some other cause by
requiring PASO to be directed
unambiguously at a candidate or party.
Additionally, Alternative B’s clear
nexus criterion is intended to exclude
communications that merely refer to an
individual who may be a candidate for
Federal office. For example, Alternative
B is intended to exclude an
advertisement that merely discusses a
Senator’s position on a legislative issue
and promotes that position, but does not
discuss the Senator’s candidacy for
reelection. Does Alternative B exclude
more than mere references to
individuals who are candidates for
office or discussions of a candidate’s
position on legislative issues?
The Commission seeks comment on
whether proposed Alternative B’s
requirement that a communication have
a ‘‘clear nexus’’ to an upcoming Federal
election or to a candidacy for such
election is appropriate. In Buckley, the
Court explained that its narrowing
construction of the Act’s disclosure
provisions would ensure that reporting
of independent expenditures by persons
other than candidates or political
committees would ‘‘shed the light of
publicity on spending that is
unambiguously campaign related.’’
Buckley, 424 U.S. at 81. Is the phrase
‘‘unambiguously campaign related’’
relevant or appropriate in the context of
coordinated communications? Does the
proposed ‘‘clear nexus’’ criterion
properly capture or implement the Act’s
definition of a contribution, which
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includes anything of value given ‘‘for
the purpose of influencing any election
for Federal office’’? When used in this
context, do the terms ‘‘unambiguous’’
and ‘‘clear nexus’’ provide sufficiently
clear guidance?
Commonly, during an election season,
ads are run that compare opposing
candidates’ records or positions on
legislative issues without mentioning
their candidacies or an election. For
instance, the ‘‘Willie Horton’’ ad,
referenced below, is an example of this
type of communication. Would ads like
these be encompassed by either
Alternative A or B? Should they be?
In short, do the proposed
‘‘unambiguous’’ and ‘‘clear nexus’’
criteria properly capture or implement
the Act’s definition of a contribution?
Conversely, do these requirements
overly narrow the scope of the PASO
definition?
e. Verbal or Pictorial Means
Alternative B contains the additional
requirement that the element of the
communication that unambiguously
PASOs be done through verbal (whether
by visual text or audio speech) or
pictorial (whether depictions of party
officials, candidates, or their respective
logos) means, or a combination of the
two. Alternative B further provides that
‘‘photographic or videographic
alterations, facial expressions, body
language, poses, or similar features’’
may not be considered in determining
whether the communication PASOs. In
contrast, Alternative A would not
restrict the manner in which a
communication PASOs a candidate.
Are Alternative B’s limits clear?
Should any of the following elements of
communications be excluded from the
PASO determination: song lyrics,
images of the American flag, patriotic or
frightening music, or altered candidate
images? The Commission seeks
comment on whether to exclude from
the PASO definition digital or other
manipulation of images, for example an
image that shows the candidate’s face
morphing into the visage of either
Adolph Hitler, Mother Theresa, or a
popular or unpopular political figure.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether non-speech elements are often
relevant, or even essential, in
determining whether the
communication promotes, supports,
attacks, or opposes a candidate for
Federal office.
Commenters are invited to provide
the Commission with specific examples
of communications in which nonspeech elements are necessary to the
communicative purpose. Which
approach is clearer, more objective and
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administrable? Which approach best
effectuates congressional intent?
f. Jurisdiction
Alternative B contains the additional
criterion that the communication be
publicly distributed or disseminated in
the clearly identified Federal
candidate’s or party’s jurisdiction. This
criterion is based on the content
reference standard of the current
coordinated communications regulation
at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4). However, unlike
the content reference standard, the
fourth criterion in the proposed PASO
definition does not contain the 90/120day window. The proposed
jurisdictional requirement is intended to
provide an objective, bright-line
standard by which to determine PASO.
Does this requirement distinguish
between those communications that are
made for the purpose of influencing a
Federal election and those that are not?
Alternative A does not contain a
jurisdictional requirement.
The Commission invites comment on
the proposed jurisdictional criterion. In
Shays III Appeal, the court held that the
Commission’s revised content standard
must ‘‘rationally separate[] electionrelated advocacy from other activity
falling outside FECA’s expenditure
definition.’’ Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d
at 926. Does the proposed jurisdictional
criterion accomplish this? Conversely,
does this requirement overly narrow the
scope of the PASO definition? Are there
communications outside a candidate’s
jurisdiction that nonetheless are made
for the purpose of influencing that
candidate’s election (e.g., solicitations of
funds, volunteers, or requests to contact
voters)?
Additionally, are the phrases
‘‘publicly distributed’’ and ‘‘publicly
disseminated’’ sufficiently objective, or
are they too vague? Are the phrases
under- or overinclusive? Should the
Commission adopt a different
jurisdictional element, such as one
adapted from the electioneering
communications definition at 11 CFR
100.29(b)(5)?
The Commission also invites
comment on whether a jurisdictional
criterion appropriately limits the PASO
definition to those communications
made for the purpose of influencing a
Federal election. See, e.g., Shays I
Appeal, 414 F.3d at 99 (‘‘Nor is such
purpose [of influencing a Federal
election] necessarily evident in
statements, referring, say, to a
Connecticut senator but running only in
San Francisco media markets.’’).
Alternatively, could communications
arguably favorable or critical of a
candidate but disseminated outside that
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candidate’s jurisdiction still be made for
the purpose of influencing the election?
How, for example, should the definition
treat a communication that urges people
outside a candidate’s jurisdiction to
influence their friends inside the
jurisdiction? Would a geographic
jurisdictional limit be too narrow?
g. Proposed Examples 22
Finally, both proposed PASO
definitions also provide several
examples, some of which are adapted
from closed Commission enforcement
matters,23 of communications that
would and would not PASO.
Alternatives A and B treat the examples
differently. The Commission seeks
comments on these differences.
The Commission invites comment on
(1) whether including examples would
be helpful, either in the final rule or in
the Explanation and Justification, if the
definition is adopted; (2) whether the
proposed examples properly apply the
proposed definitions; (3) whether the
examples provide sufficient context for
determining whether specific
communications PASO; and (4) whether
additional or different examples are
needed, such as an example adapted
from Advisory Opinion 2003–25
(Weinzapfel).
The Commission seeks comment on
whether the proposed alternative
definitions for 11 CFR 100.23, in all
their parts, provide clear guidance as to
PASO, and if not, what aspects of the
proposed definitions require further
explanation or clarification.
22 Please note that the examples in the alternative
proposed PASO definitions are different from, and
in addition to, the examples discussed below in the
coordination-specific sections.
23 The example at proposed Alternative A at 11
CFR 100.23(c)(1) and Alternative B at 11 CFR
100.23(d)(1) is adapted from Matter Under Review
(‘‘MUR’’) 6019 (Dominic Caserta for Assembly); the
example at proposed Alternative A at 11 CFR
100.23(c)(2) and proposed Alternative B at 11 CFR
100.23(d)(2) is adapted from MURs 5365 (Club for
Growth) and 5694 (Americans for Job Security); the
example at proposed Alternative A at 11 CFR
100.23(d)(1) and proposed Alternative B at 11 CFR
100.23(e)(2) is adapted from MUR 6064 (Missouri
State University); the example at proposed
Alternative A at 11 CFR 100.23(d)(2) and proposed
Alternative B at 11 CFR 100.23(e)(3) is adapted from
MUR 5387 (Welch for Wisconsin); the example at
proposed Alternative A at 11 CFR 100.23(e)(1) and
proposed Alternative B at 11 CFR 100.23(d)(3) is
adapted from ADR Case 250 (Your Art Here); the
example at proposed Alternative A at 11 CFR
100.23(e)(2) and proposed Alternative B at 11 CFR
100.23(e)(5) is adapted from MUR 5974 (New
Summit Republicans); and the example at proposed
Alternative A at 11 CFR 100.23(e)(3) and proposed
Alternative B at 11 CFR 100.23(d)(4) is adapted
from MUR 5714 (Montana State Democratic Central
Committee).
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B. Alternative 2—The Modified WRTL
Content Standard—Proposed 11 CFR
109.21(c)(5)
Alternative 2 would add a new
content standard that would apply to
any public communication that is the
‘‘functional equivalent of express
advocacy.’’ The proposed standard
specifies that a communication is the
‘‘functional equivalent of express
advocacy’’ if it ‘‘is susceptible of no
reasonable interpretation other than as
an appeal to vote for or against’’ a
clearly identified Federal candidate.
This standard is based on the test
articulated in Wisconsin Right to Life,
551 U.S. at 469–70, and McConnell, 540
U.S. at 204–06, both addressing
electioneering communications. The
proposed Modified WRTL content
standard would apply without regard to
the timing of the communication or the
targeted audience. The Commission
seeks comment on whether the
proposed Modified WRTL content
standard complies with the Court of
Appeals’ requirement in Shays III
Appeal that the Commission adopt a
standard that rationally separates
election-related advocacy from other
communications falling outside the
Act’s expenditure definition. Would a
content standard that covers
communications containing the
‘‘functional equivalent of express
advocacy’’ comply with the Shays III
Appeal requirement that the
Commission adopt a standard more
restrictive than ‘‘express advocacy’’
outside the 90-day and 120-day time
windows?
In Wisconsin Right to Life, the
Supreme Court decided an as-applied
challenge to the BCRA provision
prohibiting the use of general treasury
funds by corporations and labor
organizations to pay for electioneering
communications.24 551 U.S. at 449; see
also 2 U.S.C. 441b(b)(2) (corporate and
labor organization funding
prohibitions); 434(f)(3) (defining
electioneering communications).
Wisconsin Right to Life limited the
reach of the electioneering
communication funding prohibitions to
communications by corporations and
labor organizations that contain the
24 Electioneering communications are broadcast,
cable or satellite communications that refer to a
clearly identified candidate for Federal office, are
publicly distributed within sixty days before a
general election or thirty days before a primary
election, and are targeted to the relevant electorate.
See 2 U.S.C. 434(f)(3)(A)(i); 11 CFR 100.29. By
definition, an electioneering communication is a
communication that is not an expenditure or an
independent expenditure. 2 U.S.C. 434(f)(3)(B)(ii).
Thus, by definition, a communication that contains
express advocacy is not an electioneering
communication. See 2 U.S.C. 431(17).
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functional equivalent of express
advocacy. 551 U.S. at 456–57. Following
the Wisconsin Right to Life decision, the
Commission promulgated rules that
incorporated the Wisconsin Right to Life
test in a provision governing the
funding of electioneering
communications by corporations and
labor organizations. See 11 CFR 114.15.
The proposed Modified WRTL content
standard for coordinated
communications uses the same language
as 11 CFR 114.15(a). The proposed
Modified WRTL content standard in the
coordinated communications content
prong does not, however, refer to or
incorporate any other provision from 11
CFR 114.15. For example, the proposed
Modified WRTL content standard does
not contain the safe harbor in 11 CFR
114.15(b),25 the rules of interpretation in
11 CFR 114.15(c), or the limitation on
information to be considered in 11 CFR
114.15(d). Does the proposed Modified
WRTL content standard, without these
elements, provide sufficient guidance
for compliance with the Commission’s
coordination rules? Would including in
the Modified WRTL content standard
any of these, or similar, elements
provide clear guidance? Does the
proposed Modified WRTL content
standard, with or without the additional
elements from 11 CFR 114.15, satisfy
the court’s concern in Shays III Appeal
that the Commission rationally separate
election-related advocacy from other
communications falling outside the
Act’s expenditure definition? The
Commission seeks comment on the
practical effect, if any, of creating two
different approaches to the Modified
WRTL content standard if the
Commission does not incorporate all
aspects of 11 CFR 114.15 in the
coordinated communication Modified
WRTL content standard.
The Commission also seeks comment
on whether the proposed Modified
WRTL content standard and the existing
express advocacy content standard are
too similar to give effect to the Shays III
Appeal court’s decision. Does the
Modified WRTL content standard’s
formulation of the ‘‘functional
equivalent of express advocacy’’ as
communications that are ‘‘susceptible of
no reasonable interpretation other than
as an appeal to vote for or against a
specific candidate’’ bear substantial
resemblance to components of the
Commission’s definition of ‘‘expressly
25 Although the proposed Modified WRTL content
standard does not contain the 11 CFR 114.15(b) safe
harbor, the Commission also is proposing safe
harbors at 11 CFR 109.21(i) and (j) that are generally
applicable to all coordinated communications.
These safe harbors are similar to the provision at
11 CFR 114.15(b). See below.
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advocating’’ at 11 CFR 100.22? Would a
content standard that covers
communications containing the
‘‘functional equivalent of express
advocacy’’ comply with the Shays III
Appeal requirement that the
Commission adopt a standard other than
‘‘magic words’’ or ‘‘express advocacy’’
outside the 90- and 120-day time
windows?
The Commission also seeks comment
on whether the Modified WRTL content
standard lends itself to applications
outside of the ‘‘electioneering
communication’’ context. The Supreme
Court, in McConnell, observed that the
electioneering communication
definition was not unconstitutionally
vague because it contained narrowly
tailored, easily understood, and
objectively determinable elements.
McConnell, 540 U.S. at 194. And
Wisconsin Right to Life suggested that
the Wisconsin Right to Life ‘‘test is only
triggered if the speech meets the brightline requirements of [the definition of
electioneering communications] in the
first place.’’ Wis. Right to Life, 551 U.S.
at 474 n.7. Untethered from the
temporal and jurisdictional limitations
present in the electioneering
communication definition, is the
Modified WRTL content standard too
vague, broad, or overinclusive? If so,
should the Modified WRTL content
standard for coordinated
communications be limited by, for
example, requiring, as proposed PASO
definition B does, that the
communication be targeted to the
relevant jurisdiction, or contain some
other restriction? Alternatively, could
communications disseminated outside
the jurisdiction in which the election is
sought still be made for the purpose of
influencing the election, for example, by
soliciting funds or volunteers, or
requesting that the recipient of the
communication contact voters within
the jurisdiction?
In addressing electioneering
communications, the Supreme Court in
Wisconsin Right to Life stated that ‘‘in
a debatable case’’ the ‘‘tie goes to the
speaker.’’ Wis. Right to Life, 551 U.S. at
474; id. at n.7. Does that concept have
any application to the proposed
Modified WRTL content standard? Does
it have application outside of the
corporate and labor organization
funding restriction at issue in Wisconsin
Right to Life? The Commission seeks
comment on whether application of the
proposed Modified WRTL content
standard as well as the payment and
conduct prongs raises the same First
Amendment issues that underlie the
Supreme Court’s decision in Wisconsin
Right to Life.
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Finally, neither the Commission’s
electioneering communication
definition nor the Wisconsin Right to
Life decision addresses communications
referring to political parties. Similarly,
the proposed Modified WRTL content
standard for coordinated
communications would not address
political parties, either. Congress in
BCRA, however, amended the Act’s
coordination provisions to include
expenditures made in coordination with
political party committees. See 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(b)(ii). The Commission seeks
comment on whether it should revise
the proposed Modified WRTL content
standard to include communications
that are ‘‘susceptible of no reasonable
interpretation other than as an appeal to
vote for or against’’ a political party.
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C. Examples
In addition to the examples in the
proposed PASO definitions in this
NPRM, the Commission is considering
whether to include in the final rule, or
in its Explanation and Justification,
additional examples of communications
that would, and would not, satisfy the
proposed PASO standard, the proposed
Modified WRTL content standard, or
both standards, if these standards are
adopted. These examples are drawn
from actual communications evaluated
by the courts, the Commission, and from
prior Explanations and Justifications for
Commission rulemakings.
The Commission seeks comment on
the application of the proposed PASO
definition and content standard, as well
as the proposed Modified WRTL content
standard to the following examples, and
asks whether further examples would be
helpful.
Example 1 (from Koerber v. FEC, 583 F.
Supp. 2d 740 (E.D.N.C. 2008)): Senator
Obama. Why did you vote against protecting
infants that survived late term abortions? Not
once, but four times. Even Congress
unanimously supported protections identical
to those you blocked in Illinois. The Supreme
Court upheld the ban on partial birth
abortions. And yet today, you keep working
to roll back this law. Call Senator Obama.
Tell him to stop trying to overturn these basic
human rights.
Example 2 (from Matter Under Review
(‘‘MUR’’) 5854 (The Lantern Project)): It’s
hard to make ends meet. Yet Rick Santorum
voted against raising the minimum wage. But
Santorum voted to allow his own pay to be
raised by $8000. What is he thinking?
Example 3 (from MUR 5991 (U.S. Term
Limits, Inc.)) Today, we have more charter
schools thanks to Bob Schaffer. Thanks, Bob!
Thanks, Bob! Thanks, Bob! Thanks, Bob!
Thanks, Bob! We couldn’t have done it
without you. Thanks for standing up for us.
Even when it was really, really hard. Bob
does the right thing. Bob keeps his promises.
Thanks, Bob Schaffer, for giving my daughter
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a chance. Bob Schaffer helped create the
Colorado Charter School Act. Tell Bob to
keep giving us real education options.
Thanks, Bob! Thanks, Bob!
Example 4 (from McConnell, 540 U.S. at
193 n.78) Who is Bill Yellowtail? He
preaches family values but took a swing at
his wife. And Yellowtail’s response? He only
slapped her. But ‘‘her nose was not broken.’’
He talks law and order * * * but is himself
a convicted felon. And though he talks about
protecting children, Yellowtail failed to make
his own child support payments—then voted
against child support enforcement. Call Bill
Yellowtail. Tell him to support family values.
Example 5 (from Explanation and
Justification for Final Rules on Electioneering
Communications, 72 FR 72899 (Dec. 26,
2007)): [VISUAL OF CANDIDATE SALLY
SMITH]: Hello, I’m Sally Smith. Most of us
think of heart disease as a problem that
mostly affects men. But today, heart disease
is one of the leading causes of death among
American women. It doesn’t have to stay that
way. Lower cholesterol, daily exercise, and
regular visits to your doctor can help you
fight back. So have heart, America, and
together we can reduce the risk of heart
disease.
VOICE OVER: This message brought
to you by DISH Network.
Example 6 (from McConnell, 251 F. Supp.
2d 176, 876 (D.D.C. 2003)) It’s our land; our
water. America’s environment must be
protected. But in just 18 months,
Congressman Ganske has voted 12 out of 12
times to weaken environmental protections.
Congressman Ganske even voted to let
corporations continue releasing cancercausing pollutants into our air. Congressman
Ganske voted for the big corporations who
lobbied these bills and gave him thousands
of dollars in contributions. Call Congressman
Ganske. Tell him to protect America’s
environment. For our families. For our
future.
Example 7 (from Wis. Right to Life v. FEC,
466 F. Supp. 2d 195, 198 n.4 (D.D.C. 2006))
LOAN OFFICER: Welcome Mr. and Mrs.
Shulman. We’ve reviewed your loan
application, along with your credit report,
the appraisal on the house, the inspections,
and well * * *
COUPLE: Yes, yes * * * we’re listening.
OFFICER: Well, it all reminds me of a time
I went fishing with my father. We were on
the Wolf River Waupaca * * *
VOICE–OVER: Sometimes it’s just not fair
to delay an important decision. But in
Washington, it’s happening. A group of
Senators is using the filibuster delay tactic to
block Federal judicial nominees from a
simple ‘‘yes’’ or ‘‘no’’ vote. So qualified
candidates aren’t getting a chance to serve.
It’s politics at work, causing gridlock and
backing up some of our courts to a state of
emergency. Contact Senators Feingold and
Kohl and tell them to oppose the filibuster.
Visit: BeFair.org.
Example 8 (from MUR 6013 (Friends of
Peter Teahen)): VOICE OVER AND
APPEARANCE BY CANDIDATE PETER
TEAHEN: My father served in the Navy and
like many veterans he didn’t talk about his
military experience. But we all knew how
much he loved his country. Dad had a big
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flag pole in our front yard and I used to help
him raise the flag. Now, when I see a flag,
I think of Dad and all the men and women
who sacrifice their lives for the sake of
freedom. I’m Peter Teahen and I’m proud to
be an American. Teahen Funeral Home: Life
ends, but memories live on.
Example 9 (from MUR 6122 (National
Association of Home Builders)): Protecting
the American Dream. Gary voted to create a
$7,500 temporary first-time home buyer tax
credit. Voted for legislation to make more
mortgage bonds available. He voted for
legislation to help victims of the sub-prime
crisis.
Energy Independence Is No Longer Just An
Economic Issue, But Also A National
Security Issue. Gary supports increased
development of clean coal, natural gas, and
oil. Supports increasing domestic exploration
in Alaska and off our coast. Congressman
Miller supports incentives to encourage
further development and use of alternative
fuels.
Example 10 (from The Real Truth About
Obama v. FEC, No. 3:08–CV–483, 2008 WL
4416282 (E.D. Va. 2008), aff’d, 575 F.3d 342
(4th Cir. 2009)):
WOMAN’S VOICE: Just what is the real
truth about Democrat Barack Obama’s
position on abortion?
OBAMA–LIKE VOICE: Change. Here is
how I would like to change America * * *
about abortion: Make taxpayers pay for all 1.2
million abortions performed in America each
year. Make sure that minor girls’ abortions
are kept secret from their parents. Make
partial-birth abortion legal. Give Planned
Parenthood lots more money to support
abortion. Change current Federal and State
laws so that babies who survive abortions
will die soon after they are born. Appoint
more liberal Justices on the U.S. Supreme
Court. One thing I would not change about
America is abortion on demand, for any
reason, at any time during pregnancy, as
many times as a woman wants one.
WOMAN’S VOICE: Now you know the real
truth about Obama’s position on abortion. Is
this the change you can believe in?
VOICE OVER: To learn more real truth
about Obama, visit
www.TheRealTruthAboutObama.com.
Example 11: 1964 Presidential Campaign
Television Spot, ‘‘Peace Little Girl’’ (‘‘Daisy’’
Ad), available at LBJ Library and Museum
Media Archives, https://
www.lbjlib.utexas.edu/johnson/media/
daisyspot (last visited Oct. 7, 2009) (but
without express advocacy language).
Example 12: ‘‘Willie Horton Political Ad
1988,’’ available at https://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=SLafbHYVqVE (last visited Oct. 8,
2009).
Example 13 (from MUR 5525 (Swift Boat
Veterans for Truth)):
JOHN KERRY: They had personally raped,
cut off ears, cut off heads * * *
JOE PONDER: The accusations that John
Kerry made against the veterans who served
in Vietnam was just devastating.
JOHN KERRY: * * * randomly shot at
civilians* * *
JOE PONDER: and it hurt me more than
any physical wounds I had.
JOHN KERRY: * * * Cut off limbs, blown
up bodies* * *
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KEN CORDIER: That was part of the
torture, was to sign a statement that you had
committed war crimes.
JOHN KERRY: * * * razed villages in a
fashion reminiscent of Ghengis Khan* * *
PAUL GALANTI: John Kerry gave the
enemy for free what I and many of my
comrades in North Vietnam in the prison
camps took torture to avoid saying. It
demoralized us.
JOHN KERRY: * * * Crimes committed on
a day to day basis* * *
KEN CORDIER: He betrayed us in the past.
How could we be loyal to him now?
JOHN KERRY: * * * Ravaged the
countryside of South Vietnam* * *
PAUL GALANTI: He dishonored his
country, but more importantly, the people he
served with. He just sold them out.
ANNOUNCER: Swift Boat Veterans for
Truth is responsible for the content of this
advertisement.
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The Commission seeks comment on
whether such examples should be
provided, and what other types of
communications would be appropriate
examples. Furthermore, the Commission
invites commenters to provide
additional examples of communications
demonstrating that the proposed PASO
standard or proposed Modified WRTL
content standard would rationally
separate election-related advocacy from
other activity falling outside the Act’s
expenditure definition. Conversely, the
Commission invites commenters to
provide examples of communications
demonstrating that the proposed PASO
standard or proposed Modified WRTL
content standard would be either
underinclusive or overinclusive.
D. Alternative 3—Clarification of the
Express Advocacy Standard—Revised
11 CFR 109.21(c)(3)
Alternative 3 would clarify existing
11 CFR 109.21(c)(3) by including a
cross-reference to the express advocacy
definition at 11 CFR 100.22. As
discussed above, the Shays III Appeal
court interpreted the existing express
advocacy content standard as follows:
‘‘more than 90/120 days before an
election, candidates may ask wealthy
supporters to fund ads on their behalf,
so long as those ads do not contain
magic words.’’ Shays III Appeal, 528
F.3d at 925 (emphasis added). However,
‘‘magic words’’ are only one part of the
Commission’s express advocacy
regulation. See 11 CFR 100.22(a). As
noted above, paragraph (a) of the
regulatory definition also includes any
‘‘campaign slogan(s) or individual
word(s), which in context have no other
reasonable meaning than to urge the
election or defeat of one or more clearly
identified candidate(s).’’ Id.
Additionally, paragraph (b) of that
regulation provides that a
communication expressly advocates:
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When taken as a whole and with limited
reference to external events, such as the
proximity to the election, could only be
interpreted by a reasonable person as
containing advocacy of the election or defeat
of one or more clearly identified candidate(s)
because—
(1) The electoral portion of the
communication is unmistakable,
unambiguous, and suggestive of only one
meaning; and
(2) Reasonable minds could not differ as to
whether it encourages actions to elect or
defeat one or more clearly identified
candidate(s) or encourages some other kind
of action.
Appeal: ‘‘more than 90/120 days before
an election, candidates may ask wealthy
supporters to fund ads on their behalf,
so long as those ads do not contain
magic words,’’ and the Commission
would do nothing about this, ‘‘even if a
contract formalizing the coordination
and specifying that it was ‘for the
purpose of influencing a Federal
election’ appeared on the front page of
the New York Times.’’ Id. The Shays III
Appeal court’s discussion referenced
the identical concern raised in Shays I
Appeal, where the court noted that:
See 11 CFR 100.22(b).
The Commission is considering
adding an explicit reference to 11 CFR
100.22 in the current express advocacy
content standard at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(3)
to clarify that, outside of the 90/120-day
window, communications containing
more than just ‘‘magic words’’ are
regulated, provided that the conduct
and payment prong are also met. The
Commission seeks comment on
whether, by itself, the clarification of 11
CFR 109.21(c)(3) as encompassing not
only ‘‘magic words,’’ but also the
entirety of the express advocacy
definition at 11 CFR 100.22, would fully
address the court’s concern about the
current limitations of the content prong
(i.e., the ‘‘decision to apply a
‘functionally meaningless’ standard’’
outside the 90- and 120-day windows).
Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d at 924. Or,
did the court’s concern about the
limitations of the express advocacy
standard go beyond ‘‘magic words’’?
[M]ore than 120 days before an election or
primary, a candidate may sit down with a
well-heeled supporter and say, ‘‘Why don’t
you run some ads about my record on tax
cuts?’’ The two may even sign a formal
written agreement providing for such ads.
Yet so long as the supporter neither recycles
campaign materials nor employs the ‘‘magic
words’’ of express advocacy—‘‘vote for,’’
‘‘vote against,’’ ‘‘elect,’’ and so forth-the ads
won’t qualify as contributions subject to
FECA.
E. Alternative 4—The ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ Standard—Proposed 11
CFR 109.21(c)(5), (d)(7), and (e)
Congress specified in BCRA that the
Commission’s regulations ‘‘shall not
require agreement or formal
collaboration to establish coordination.’’
BCRA at sec. 214(c), 116 Stat. at 95.
However, the court in Shays III Appeal
indicated that some agreements are so
explicit that to ignore them would be to
permit the evasion of the law as written
by Congress. Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d
at 925. In concluding that the current
coordinated communication regulations
‘‘frustrate Congress’s goal of ‘prohibiting
soft money from being used in
connection with Federal elections,’ ’’ the
Shays III Appeal court stated that,
‘‘[o]utside the 90/120-day windows, the
regulation allows candidates to evade—
almost completely—BCRA’s restrictions
on the use of soft money.’’ Id. (quoting
McConnell, 540 U.S. at 177 n. 69). The
court then presented an example (the
‘‘NY Times hypothetical’’) to illustrate
that ‘‘the regulation still permits exactly
what we worried about’’ in Shays I
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Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d at 921
(quoting Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d 98).
The NY Times scenario is a
hypothetical. But recently, an actual
case came to light in which a campaign
operative, with the knowledge and
acquiescence of the candidate, set up an
organization, funded by the candidate’s
donors, to run purportedly independent
negative ads about the candidate’s chief
opponent.26 Should the coordination
regulations capture this fact pattern?
Does the answer depend on the content
of the ads? When combined with the
court’s hypothetical, does the existence
of actual instances of such coordination
heighten the need for this approach?
Alternative 4 is an attempt to address
the underlying concern that appears to
have motivated both Shays courts’
concerns: conduct that explicitly reveals
both an unquestionable agreement and
unequivocal intent to affect a Federal
election is the quintessential conduct
that Congress sought to regulate. The
reason that coordinated expenditures
are treated differently is precisely
because of the collaboration between the
candidate’s committee and outside
groups. The Commission seeks
comment on whether an ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard addresses these
26 David A. Lieb, Lawmakers Plead Guilty in
Obstruction Case, Resign, Associated Press, Aug.
26, 2009 (‘‘ ‘I wrongly believed we could conceal
my campaign’s coordination with the independent
operator’ Smith confessed to U.S. District Judge
Carol Jackson * * *’’); see also Jeff Smith, Think
You Won’t Get Caught? Think Again, St. Louis PostDispatch, Sept. 8, 2009 (‘‘As Election Day drew
near, I authorized a close friend and two aides to
help an outside consultant send out a mailer about
my opponent but without disclosing my campaign’s
connection.’’).
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concerns. Should the ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard be adopted in
conjunction with another proposed
standard? The proposed ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard requires a formal
or informal agreement between a
candidate, candidate’s committee or
political party committee and the
person paying for the ‘‘public
communication,’’ as defined in 11 CFR
100.26. Either the agreement or the
communication must be made for the
purpose of influencing an election.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether limiting the standard to those
public communications that are
explicitly made for the purpose of
influencing an election, as in the Act’s
definition of ‘‘expenditure,’’ is adequate
to separate election-related advocacy
from other communications. Like the
other alternatives the Commission is
now considering, the proposed ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard would apply
without regard to when the
communication is made or the targeted
audience. Should it be so limited? The
Commission also seeks comment on
whether the proposed ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard is overinclusive,
underinclusive, or vague. Should the
proposed ‘‘Explicit Agreement’’
standard be limited by, for example,
requiring a reference to a political party
or a clearly identified candidate for
Federal office?
The proposed rule states that whether
the purpose of the communication is for
the purpose of influencing a Federal
election may be found in either the
content of the communication or the
agreement. This is a fact-specific
determination. The Commission seeks
comment on the types of facts that
should lead to a determination of the
purpose of a communication. For
example, should the text, timing, or
intended audience of the
communication be considered? Should
agreements entered into by a candidate’s
campaign staff be treated differently
from agreements entered into by a
candidate’s congressional staff? Should
the purpose be determined more
broadly, e.g., by inference, discussions,
implicit agreements, or course of
dealing?
The proposed ‘‘Explicit Agreement’’
standard requires a formal or informal
agreement, and incorporates the current
coordinated communication regulatory
definition of ‘‘agreement’’ as ‘‘a mutual
understanding or meeting of the minds
on all or any part of the material aspects
of the communication or its
dissemination.’’ 11 CFR 109.21(e). For
purposes of the proposed ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard, would this
current definition suffice and does it
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provide sufficient guidance? Should the
definition not be incorporated in the
proposed text? Why or why not? Does
the difference between a formal and
informal agreement need to be clarified,
and if so, how?
Additionally, the requirement of a
formal or informal agreement in the
proposed ‘‘Explicit Agreement’’
standard would require certain
conforming changes to the existing
coordinated communications
regulations. The Commission proposes
to amend the statement in 11 CFR
109.21(d) that all conduct standards
could be satisfied regardless of
agreement. As revised, this statement
would not apply to the proposed
‘‘Explicit Agreement’’ standard.
Similarly, the statement in 11 CFR
109.21(e) that agreement is not required
would be amended to exclude the
proposed ‘‘Explicit Agreement’’
standard.
1. Examples
The Commission seeks comment on
whether one, two, all, or none of the
following scenarios should be, or are,
covered by the proposed ‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ standard:
Example 1: Outside advocacy group G’s
director meets Candidate Jones at a cafe.
Jones says she wants to become known as
‘‘the education candidate’’ but expresses
concern that her campaign coffers are low.
G’s director tells Jones that her group could
save Jones money by running the ‘‘education
issue’’ component of Jones’ campaign. Jones
agrees that that is a wonderful plan. Group
G pays for a series of television
advertisements stressing that one of the most
important issues affecting the future of our
nation is education. Jones runs ads in which
she states, ‘‘I’m the education candidate.’’
In this example, the candidate and
outside group agree that the outside
group will spend its funds to highlight
what the candidate has identified as an
issue of importance to her campaign
through an issue ad or series of issue
ads, which the candidate’s campaign
could then build on. The ad would not
clearly identify the candidate. Is this
kind of ‘‘piggybacking’’ contemplated by
the Shays III Appeal—NY Times
hypothetical?
Example 2: Candidate Jones meets with a
well-heeled supporter more than 120 days
before the next election and suggests the
supporter run ads about Candidate Jones’
record on education. Candidate Jones
instructs the supporter that the ads should
highlight Candidate Jones’ success in
Congress on the issue and the ads should ask
viewers to call Candidate Jones and thank her
for her ‘‘strong voice for our State,’’ but
should not contain ‘‘magic words.’’
Example 3: Candidate Jones is approached
by Jane Doe with an offer to produce and
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distribute ads against Candidate Jones’
opponent. Candidate Jones agrees and directs
members of his campaign to raise money for
Ms. Doe and provide Ms. Doe with negative
information about the opponent as well as
mailing addresses. Ms. Doe distributes the
ads, with no mention of Candidate Jones or
his campaign committee. The ads name
Candidate Jones’ opponent (Senator Black)
and list a series of missed votes over the
course of the previous year. The ads label
Senator Black as the ‘‘Absent Senator’’ and
end with the tag line: ‘‘Sorry Mr. Black, we
need a Senator who shows up for work!’’
III. Proposals for Revising the Common
Vendor and Former Employee
Provisions at 11 CFR 109.21
The fourth standard of the conduct
prong (the ‘‘common vendor’’ standard)
is satisfied if (1) the person paying for
the communication contracts with or
employs a ‘‘commercial vendor’’ to
create, produce, or distribute the
communication, (2) the commercial
vendor has provided certain specified
services to the candidate who is clearly
identified in the communication, the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or a political
party committee during the previous
120 days, and (3) the commercial
vendor uses or conveys to the person
paying for the communication
information about the plans, projects,
activities, or needs of the candidate,
candidate’s opponent, or political party
committee that is material to the
creation, production, or distribution of
the communication, or information used
previously by the commercial vendor in
providing services to the candidate, the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or the political
party committee that also is material to
the creation, production, or distribution
of the communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4).
The fifth conduct standard (the
‘‘former employee’’ standard) is satisfied
if (1) the communication is paid for by
a person or by the employer of a person
who was an employee or independent
contractor of the candidate clearly
identified in the communication, or the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or a political
party committee during the previous
120 days, and (2) the former employee
or independent contractor uses, or
conveys to the person paying for the
communication, information about the
plans, projects, activities, or needs of
the candidate or political party
committee that is material to the
creation, production, or distribution of
the communication; or if the former
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employee or independent contractor
uses, or conveys to the person paying
for the communication, information
used previously by the former employee
or independent contractor in providing
services to the candidate, the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or the political
party committee that is material to the
creation, production, or distribution of
the communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(d)(5).
As discussed above, the 2006
coordinated communication regulations
reduced the period of time during
which a common vendor’s or former
employee’s relationship with the
authorized committee or political party
committee referred to in the
communication could satisfy the
conduct prong, from the entire election
cycle to 120 days. 2006 E&J, 71 FR at
33204.
In order to comply with the Shays III
Appeal holding concerning the
insufficient justification for the change
from the ‘‘current election cycle’’ to a
120-day period in the common vendor
and former employee conduct
standards, the Commission invites
comment on three alternatives for the
time periods specified in the common
vendor and former employee conduct
standards. The Commission is not, at
this time, proposing specific changes to
any other aspects of these two conduct
standards.
The Commission seeks comments on
whether each of the three alternatives
would comply with the court’s holding
in Shays III Appeal that the Commission
failed to provide an adequate
explanation for its revision of the
common vendor and former employee
conduct standards to cover a 120-day
period rather than the ‘‘current election
cycle.’’ The Commission also seeks
comments on whether it should adopt a
different time period for these two
conduct standards than those proposed.
With respect to all three alternatives,
the Commission seeks comment on the
following questions concerning different
types of campaign vendors, employees,
and campaign-related information. Such
comments will help the Commission
determine the realistic ‘‘shelf life’’ of the
types of information that a campaign
vendor, former employee, or
independent contractor is likely to
possess, and tailor the regulations
accordingly. Does the Shays III Appeal
decision suggest that empirical evidence
is necessary? What factors affect how
long campaign information retains its
usefulness? Do some types of campaign
information (e.g., polling data, campaign
strategy, advertising purchases, slogans,
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graphics, mailing lists, donor lists, or
fundraising strategy) maintain their
value to a campaign for a longer, or
shorter, period of time than other types
of information? What types of
information tend to retain their
usefulness the longest, and for how
long? What types of information retain
their usefulness for a shorter period, and
for how long? Does the ‘‘shelf life’’ of
campaign-related information depend
on the type of campaign or election
involved? That is, does information
retain its usefulness longer for
presidential campaigns, for example,
than for Senate or House campaigns?
Does the ‘‘shelf life’’ of campaign
information vary depending on the
particular vendor or type of media (e.g.,
print vs. television, direct mail vs.
newspaper)?
The Commission also seeks comments
on whether the date a candidate files a
statement of candidacy for a given
election is an accurate indicator of when
the candidate begins actively
campaigning for that election;
Commission regulations require a
candidate to file such a statement
within fifteen days after receiving
contributions or making expenditures in
excess of $5,000, or authorizing other
persons to do so. 11 CFR 100.3(a) and
101.1(a). If the filing date of the
statement of candidacy is an accurate
indicator of the start of a campaign, is
the duration of the campaign a
reasonable proxy for the ‘‘shelf life’’ of
campaign information? If so, should the
Commission adopt a time period for the
common vendor and former employee
conduct standards that is based on
when candidates typically file their
statements of candidacy? If so, how
should the Commission determine what
is the typical date when candidates file
their statements of candidacy?
Alternatively, should the Commission
use a date based on when individual
candidates actually file their statements
of candidacy? If not, is there some other
date the Commission should use? The
Commission has observed that when
Federal officeholders win an election,
many of them file statements of
candidacy for the next election shortly
thereafter, while challengers often file
their statements of candidacy at a later
date, closer to the election in which
they plan to run. How should the
Commission address this general
discrepancy between incumbents and
challengers?
In addition to the useful life of
campaign information, the Commission
seeks comment on any relevant
distinctions between different types of
vendors or campaign employees, and
the types of information they are likely
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to possess. Do different categories of
vendors or campaign employees
typically possess different types of
campaign-related information that
would affect how long their knowledge
would remain material? If so, would
adopting different time periods for
different categories of vendors or
employees, or different types of
information, be too cumbersome for
presidential, congressional, or other
political committees to implement?
The Commission also seeks comment
on whether the list of vendor services
set forth at 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4)(ii)
captures the appropriate range of
services that are likely to result in a
common vendor’s conveying timely
campaign information that is material to
a communication to a person paying for
the communication. Are the types of
vendor services listed the appropriate
types of services to be covered by this
conduct standard? Should any of them
be eliminated from the list? Should any
other vendor services be added?
Alternatively, should the list be
abandoned?
A. Alternative 1—Retain 120-Day Period
Proposed Alternative 1 would not
amend 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4) and (5). The
Shays III Appeal court found that ‘‘the
FEC has provided no explanation for
why it believes 120 days is a sufficient
time period to prevent circumvention of
the Act,’’ and that although the
Commission has discretion in
determining where to draw a bright-line
rule, ‘‘it must support its decision with
reasoning and evidence, for ‘a bright
line can be drawn in the wrong place.’ ’’
Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d at 929
(quoting Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at
101). Thus, although the Shays III
Appeal court held that the Commission
had failed to justify sufficiently the 120day period applicable to both common
vendors and former employees, it did
not hold that the 120-day period was
inherently improper. The first
alternative would therefore retain the
existing rule with the 120-day period,
and the Commission would provide
additional justification for that period, if
it receives sufficient empirical data or
other evidence using specific examples
supplied in response to this NPRM
demonstrating that the 120-day period is
the appropriate standard.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether to adopt Alternative 1. Is the
120-day period an appropriate temporal
limit on the operation of the regulation,
in light of current campaign practices
and with respect to the questions posed
above? Does the 120-day period
accurately reflect the period during
which a vendor or former employee is
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likely to possess and convey timely
campaign information? Does 120 days
approximate the length of time that a
vendor or campaign employee is likely
to possess information that remains
useful to a campaign?
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B. Alternative 2—Two-Year Period
Alternative 2 would amend 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4) and (5) by deleting the
phrase ‘‘the previous 120 days’’ from
paragraphs (d)(4)(ii) and (d)(5)(i), and
replacing it with ‘‘the two-year period
ending on the date of the general
election for the office or seat that the
candidate seeks.’’ The two-year period
corresponds with the election cycle for
the House of Representatives, the most
common election cycle of those
regulated by the Commission.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether to adopt Alternative 2. Does
this proposal represent the period
during which the majority of candidates
engage in active campaigning? Does the
period of active campaigning for
incumbent candidates differ from that of
non-incumbent candidates? Does the
period of active campaigning for Senate
and presidential candidates differ
significantly from that of House
candidates? Is the two-year period a
reasonable length of time for Senate and
presidential candidates?
The specific language of this proposal
(‘‘ending on the date of the general
election for the office or seat that the
candidate seeks’’) is intended to reflect
the fact that a candidate may run in a
primary election but not in the
subsequent general election, or may run
in a special election or other special
circumstances. The period during which
this provision would apply is the same
regardless of whether a candidate
participates in the primary and/or
general election, and to obviate any
uncertainty about when the two-year
period begins for candidates who
participate in elections, such as special
elections, that are held at a different
time from the usual general election.
Does the language of the proposal
accomplish these goals?
Should there be a different standard
for the common vendor and former
employee provisions in special
elections? If so, what standard should
apply to special elections?
C. Alternative 3—Current Election Cycle
Alternative 3 would amend 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4) and (5) by replacing the
existing 120-day period in paragraphs
(d)(4)(ii) and (d)(5)(i) with a ‘‘current
election cycle’’ period, as in the pre2006 version of the regulation. See 11
CFR 109.21(d)(4), (5) (2002). ‘‘Current
election cycle’’ is defined in current
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Commission regulations as beginning
‘‘on the first day following the date of
the previous general election for the
office or seat which the candidate seeks.
* * * The election cycle shall end on
the date on which the general election
for the office or seat that the individual
seeks is held.’’ 11 CFR 100.3(b). The
‘‘current election cycle’’ period was not
challenged in Shays I Appeal, and has
not been invalidated or questioned by
any court.
The Commission seeks comment on
whether to adopt Alternative 3. Is the
‘‘current election cycle’’ an appropriate
length of time to restrict the activities of
former campaign employees and
common vendors? That is, does the
‘‘current election cycle’’ accurately
reflect the length of time that vendors
and former employees are likely to
possess and convey campaign
information that is still relevant to the
campaign? Given that the ‘‘current
election cycle’’ differs in length for
House, Senate, and presidential
candidates, is this period more
appropriate for some elections or
candidates than for others? During
previous rulemakings, several
commenters asserted that ‘‘the current
election cycle’’ was too long with
respect to presidential and Senate
candidates, whose election cycles are
four and six years, respectively. Do
Senate and presidential candidates
typically engage in active campaigning
for the entire election cycle, or for some
shorter period preceding the actual
election? If the latter, what shorter
period is typical? If this proposal is
adopted, should the definition of
‘‘current election cycle’’ be modified in
any way for purposes of this provision,
or is the definition set forth at 11 CFR
100.3(b) appropriate?
IV. Proposed Safe Harbors for
Communications in Support of 501(c)(3)
Organizations and for Business and
Commercial Communications—
Proposed 11 CFR 109.21(i) and (j)
The Commission is considering
adding a safe harbor to 11 CFR 109.21(i)
to address certain public
communications in which Federal
candidates endorse or solicit support for
non-profit entities organized under
section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue
Code (26 U.S.C. 501(c)(3)), or for public
policies or legislative proposals
espoused by those organizations. The
Commission also is considering adding
a new safe harbor at 11 CFR 109.21(j) for
certain commercial and business
communications.
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A. Proposed 11 CFR 109.21(j)—Safe
Harbor for Public Communications in
Support of Tax-Exempt Organizations
From time to time, Federal candidates
and officeholders may choose to
participate in public communications in
support of 501(c)(3) tax-exempt
organizations or public policies or
legislative proposals espoused by those
organizations. The Commission seeks
comment on whether it should adopt a
new safe harbor in the coordinated
communications rules to exempt these
communications from regulation as
coordinated communications, under
certain circumstances. The Commission
also seeks comment on the appropriate
location of a safe harbor for
communications that endorse or solicit
support for non-profit organizations.
Currently, the coordinated
communication rules contain safe
harbors for public communications in
which a Federal candidate endorses a
Federal or non-Federal candidate, see 11
CFR 109.21(g)(1), and for public
communications in which a candidate
solicits funds for a Federal or nonFederal candidate or a particular
organization, see 11 CFR 109.21(g)(2).
These safe harbors do not apply,
however, to public communications in
which a candidate expresses or seeks
non-monetary support for an
organization’s mission, or for a
legislative or policy initiative supported
by the organization.
Such a communication was the
subject of a recent enforcement action.
See MUR 6020 (Alliance/Pelosi). The
enforcement action involved a
television advertisement sponsored by a
501(c)(3) organization. In the
advertisement, a Federal candidate
appeared, discussed environmental
issues, and asked viewers to visit a Web
site sponsored by the organization
paying for the advertisement. The
advertisement was a public
communication that was distributed
nationwide, including in the candidate’s
jurisdiction, within 90 days before the
candidate’s primary election, and
therefore satisfied the fourth
coordinated communications content
standard at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4). The
advertisement solicited general support
for the organization’s Web site and
cause, but did not ‘‘solicit[] funds * * *
for [an] organization[]’’ under the
solicitation safe harbor at 11 CFR
109.21(g)(2).
Proposed 11 CFR 109.21(i) would,
under certain circumstances, enable a
Federal candidate to participate in such
a public communication, without the
communication being treated as an inkind contribution to the candidate.
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Specifically, the proposed safe harbor
would provide that a public
communication paid for by a non-profit
organization described in 26 U.S.C.
501(c)(3), in which a candidate
expresses or seeks support for the payor
organization, or for a public policy or
legislative initiative espoused by the
payor organization, would not be a
coordinated communication, unless the
public communication PASOs the
candidate or another candidate who
seeks the same office.
Alternatively, rather than creating a
new provision, would it be sufficient to
expand the current safe harbor for
endorsements at 11 CFR 109.21(g)(1) to
include endorsements of an entity that
is exempt from taxation under section
501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue
Code? 27 Would expanding the safe
harbor at 11 CFR 109.21(g)(1)
adequately capture communications
that solicit support for a nonprofit but
neither explicitly endorse nor solicit
funds for the entity? Would the
expansion of existing 11 CFR
109.21(g)(1) address the same concerns
that proposed 11 CFR 109.21(i) is
intended to address? If so, is such an
approach preferable to creating a new
safe harbor at proposed 11 CFR
109.21(i)?
The Commission seeks comment on
the proposed safe harbor with respect to
both of the alternative proposed PASO
definitions. The Commission is
particularly interested in the following:
Should the Commission exempt public
communications in which a candidate
expresses support for a tax-exempt
organization as described above or for a
position or action with respect to a
specific legislative or public policy
initiative, but does not PASO the
candidate or another candidate seeking
the same office, from regulation as
coordinated communications? If so,
does proposed 11 CFR 109.21(i)
accomplish this goal?
Assuming that the Commission
adopts such a safe harbor, what
restrictions or conditions, if any, should
apply to it, in addition to the existing
PASO limitation? For example, should
any proposed safe harbor be limited to
public communications that are
distributed nationwide? Should the
proposed safe harbor be limited to
public communications that are paid for
by the tax-exempt organizations
described above? Should proposed 11
CFR 109.21(i) ‘‘public policy or
27 The safe harbor for solicitation by a Federal
candidate at 11 CFR 109.21(g)(2) is broader than the
safe harbor for endorsement by a Federal candidate
at 11 CFR 109.21(g)(1), which is limited to
endorsement of candidates for Federal and nonFederal office.
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legislative proposal’’ be limited to
legislation that is before Congress?
Should it encompass other types of
public policies, such as urging the
public to engage in charitable work or
community service, or encouraging the
public to seek medical testing or take
other health measures? Can public
communications containing any of these
examples PASO the candidate who
expresses or seeks support for them or
for the tax-exempt organizations paying
for the communications?
Would any communications that
satisfy the content standards at 11 CFR
109.21(c)(2) (republication) or (c)(3)
(express advocacy) qualify for the
proposed safe harbor? Or would the
proposed safe harbor, as a practical
matter, exempt only communications
covered by the content standards at 11
CFR 109.21(c)(1) (electioneering
communications) and (c)(4) (reference to
a candidate), because any
communications that would satisfy the
republication or express advocacy
content standards would necessarily
PASO?
The Commission previously has
considered a similar exemption for
public service announcements in the
context of electioneering
communications. See Notice of
Proposed Rulemaking on Electioneering
Communications, 67 FR 51131, 51136
(Aug. 7, 2002) (‘‘2002 EC NPRM’’).
Under the Act, the Commission may
promulgate regulations exempting
certain communications from the
definition of an electioneering
communication, only if ‘‘the exempted
communication [is] not * * * a ‘public
communication’ that refers to a clearly
identified candidate for Federal office
and that promotes or supports a
candidate for that office, or attacks or
opposes a candidate for that office.’’
2002 EC E&J, 67 FR at 65198 (quoting
2 U.S.C. 434(f)(3)(B)(iv)).
In the 2002 electioneering
communications rulemaking, the
Commission asked whether the
proposed electioneering
communications regulation should
include an exemption for public service
announcements that refer to a clearly
identified Federal candidate. The
Commission also asked whether it
‘‘should limit any of [several possible]
exemptions to ads that do not promote,
support, attack, or oppose any clearly
identified candidate.’’ 67 FR at 51136.
The Commission ultimately decided not
to exempt public service
announcements, citing some
commenters’ assertions of ‘‘the
possibility that such an exemption
could be easily abused by using a
[public service announcement] to
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associate a Federal candidate with a
public-spirited endeavor in an effort to
promote or support that candidate.’’
2002 EC E&J, 67 FR at 65202. The
Commission concluded that ‘‘television
and radio communications that include
clearly identified candidates and that
are distributed to a large audience in the
candidate’s State or district for a fee are
appropriately subject to the
electioneering communications
provisions in BCRA * * * .
Consequently, a [public service
announcement] exemption is not
included in the final rules.’’ Id.
The Act does not limit the
Commission’s authority to exempt
certain types of communications from
regulation as a coordinated
communication to communications that
do not PASO, as it does for
electioneering communications. Would
a public communication that PASOs a
clearly identified Federal candidate
nonetheless present similar concerns in
the coordination context as it does in
the electioneering communications
context? If so, does the inclusion of a
PASO limitation in the proposed safe
harbor address that concern? What
effect, if any, would the adoption of
either of the proposed PASO definitions
have on the PASO limitation in the
proposed safe harbor? What effect, if
any, would declining to adopt a
definition of PASO have on the PASO
limitation in the proposed safe harbor?
The Commission invites comments on
the following hypothetical example.
Tax-exempt Organization A pays for a
television advertisement in which a
candidate appears. The candidate states
in the advertisement: ‘‘My name is X,
and I endorse Organization A because I
believe in equality of educational
opportunities for all children. I believe
in robust early childhood programs. I
believe in rigorous standards for
teachers. And I believe that community
involvement contributes to the quality
of our schools. So join me in supporting
the good work of Organization A.’’
Should this advertisement qualify for
the proposed safe harbor, or should it
continue to be treated as a coordinated
communication? Does it PASO
Candidate X? Why or why not?
Assuming the Commission
determines that a safe harbor is
necessary, is there a reason to prefer one
approach to the other? Alternatively,
does the Commission’s dismissal of
MUR 6020 (Alliance/Pelosi)
demonstrate that such a safe harbor is
not necessary because the Commission
has adequate means of addressing the
concerns at issue? Is the proposed safe
harbor described above appropriate and
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advisable? Is the proposed safe harbor
under- or over-inclusive?
B. Proposed 11 CFR 109.21(j)—New Safe
Harbor for Business and Commercial
Communications
The Commission is also considering
adding a new coordinated
communications safe harbor at 11 CFR
109.21(j) to address certain commercial
and business communications. The
proposed safe harbor would apply to
any public communication in which a
Federal candidate is clearly identified
only in his or her capacity as the owner
or operator of a business that existed
prior to the candidacy, so long as the
public communication does not PASO
that candidate or another candidate who
seeks the same office, and so long as the
communication is consistent with other
public communications made prior to
the candidacy in terms of the medium,
timing, content, and geographic
distribution.
The proposed new safe harbor is
intended to encompass the types of
commercial and business
communications that were the subjects
of several recent enforcement actions. In
each enforcement action, a business
owned by a Federal candidate that had
been operating prior to the candidacy
paid for television advertisements that
included the name, image, and voice of
the candidate and that were distributed
in the candidate’s district within 90
days before the election, thus satisfying
the fourth coordinated communications
content standard at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4).
See MUR 6013 (Teahen), MUR 5517
(Stork), and MUR 5410 (Oberweis); see
also MUR 4999 (Bernstein).
The Commission seeks comments on
the proposed new safe harbor. Should
the Commission exclude these
commercial and business
communications from regulation as
coordinated communications? If so,
would the proposed safe harbor
accomplish this goal? Are Federal
candidates who own or operate
businesses or who are involved in other
commercial activity currently impeded
under the coordinated communications
rules from being able to conduct their
business activities? In addressing the
time windows that are applicable to
common vendors and former
employees, the Shays III District court
determined that the Commission is
‘‘certainly not at liberty to
accommodate’’ business activities ‘‘at
the expense of BCRA’s statutory goals.’’
Shays III District, 508 F. Supp. 2d at 51.
Notwithstanding this conclusion, could
the current coordinated
communications regulations be more
narrowly tailored to accomplish BCRA’s
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statutory goals without unnecessarily
impeding non-electoral business
activities?
Alternatively, would the proposed
safe harbor provide an electoral
advantage to candidates who participate
in business activities as opposed to their
election opponents who do not? If so,
would any such advantage depend on
the type of business activity in question,
the type or content of the public
communication at issue, the office or
seat the candidate seeks or holds, or
other factors? In addressing the
‘‘Millionaires’ Amendment,’’ the
Supreme Court reaffirmed that the
government may not ‘‘level electoral
opportunities’’ by equalizing
candidates’ advantages. Davis v. FEC,
128 S. Ct. 2759, 2773 (2008).
Accordingly, may the Commission
consider competitive advantages or
disadvantages in fashioning its
coordination rules?
Would the proposed safe harbor have
the potential for circumvention of the
Act’s contribution limitations and
prohibitions? If so, could that potential
be minimized or eliminated, and if so,
how?
What changes to the proposed safe
harbor, if any, would better capture only
bona fide business and commercial
communications, without also
encompassing election-related
communications? Should the proposed
safe harbor distinguish between preexisting businesses and those that are
established after a candidate files a
statement of candidacy or after the
beginning of the election cycle? Should
it be limited to communications that are
consistent with those that were made
prior to the candidacy in terms of
medium, timing, content, and
geographic distribution, or should firms
be allowed to adjust their advertising
based on bona fide commercial need,
regardless of any candidacy? How
would the Commission determine bona
fide commercial need? Should the
proposed safe harbor apply only to
public communications on behalf of a
business whose name includes the
candidate’s name, or should it also
apply to public communications in
which a candidate appears as a
spokesperson for a business, product, or
service that does not share his or her
name? Should the proposed safe harbor
require that the public communication
explicitly propose a transaction, such as
the purchase of a product or service?
Should the proposed safe harbor require
that the public communication include
contact information such as the address,
phone number, or Web site of the
business? Would this proposal be more
appropriately limited to being an
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exception from only the content
standard at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4)
regarding communications that refer to
the candidate? What effect, if any,
would the adoption of either of the
proposed PASO definitions have on the
PASO limitation in the proposed safe
harbor? What effect, if any, would
declining to adopt a definition of PASO
have on the PASO limitation in the
proposed safe harbor?
The Commission previously
considered an exemption for business
advertisements in the electioneering
communications context. See 2002 EC
NPRM at 51136. In that rulemaking, the
Commission asked whether the
proposed electioneering
communications regulation should
include an exemption for
communications that refer to a clearly
identified Federal candidate ‘‘but that
promote a candidate’s business or
professional practice,’’ but it did not
provide proposed text for such an
exemption. Id. As discussed above, the
Commission also asked whether it
‘‘should limit any of [several proposed]
exemptions to ads that do not promote,
support, attack, or oppose any clearly
identified candidate.’’ Id. The
Commission ultimately decided not to
adopt an exemption for business
advertisements, concluding that ‘‘it is
likely that, if run during the period
before an election, such
communications could well be
considered to promote or support the
clearly identified candidate, even if they
also serve a business purpose unrelated
to the election.’’ 2002 EC E&J at 65202.
Nevertheless, in response to the
Supreme Court’s Wisconsin Right to Life
decision, the Commission adopted, in
2007, a safe harbor at 11 CFR 114.15(b)
to exclude from the prohibition on
corporate-funded electioneering
communications, inter alia, an
electioneering communication that
‘‘proposes a commercial transaction,
such as purchase of a book, video, or
other product or service, or such as
attendance (for a fee) at a film exhibition
or other event,’’ provided that the
communication also does not mention
any election, candidacy, political party,
opposing candidate, or voting; and does
not take a position on any candidate’s
or officeholder’s character, qualification,
or fitness for office. As the Commission
explained, such an electioneering
communication ‘‘could reasonably be
interpreted as having a non-electoral,
business or commercial purpose,’’ and
thus ‘‘is susceptible of a reasonable
interpretation other than as an appeal to
vote.’’ Explanation and Justification for
Final Rules on Electioneering
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Communications, 72 FR 72899, 72904
(Dec. 26, 2007).
Does the rationale for adopting the
electioneering communication safe
harbor for business transactions carry
over into the coordination context, or
did the reasoning of Wisconsin Right to
Life apply only to electioneering
communications? Would the new safe
harbor be over- or underinclusive or
vague?
V. Party Coordinated Communication
Provisions in 11 CFR 109.37
The party coordinated
communication regulation at 11 CFR
109.37 contains a three-prong test for
determining whether a communication
paid for by a political party committee
is coordinated between a candidate and
the party committee. The party
coordinated communication test in 11
CFR 109.37 has a content prong that is
substantially the same as the one for
coordinated communications in 11 CFR
109.21(c). See 11 CFR 109.37(a)(2). Also,
the common vendor and former
employee conduct standards of 11 CFR
109.21(d) that were struck down in
Shays III Appeal are incorporated by
reference in the party coordinated
communication regulations. See 11 CFR
109.37(a)(3).
As pointed out in footnote 2, above,
the Commission previously has adopted
parallel regulations for coordinated
communications at 11 CFR 109.21 and
party coordinated communications at 11
CFR 109.37. However, the party
coordinated communication regulations
were never challenged by the plaintiffs
in the Shays litigation, nor were they
addressed or even referenced by the
appellate or district court decisions.
Section 109.37 does not incorporate by
reference any of the content standards of
11 CFR 109.21 that are the subject of the
other parts of this rulemaking.
Accordingly, the Commission is not
proposing to revise the party
coordinated communication regulations
to maintain parallelism with any
revisions to the regulations for
coordinated communications at 11 CFR
109.21 in this rulemaking but seeks
comment on whether it should issue a
notice of proposed rulemaking on this
subject, and if so, when.
In the event, however, that the
Commission revises the common vendor
and former employee conduct standards
of 11 CFR 109.21(d), any changes to the
common vendor and former employee
standards that the Commission adopts
will apply automatically to 11 CFR
109.37(a)(3) because, as noted above, the
latter incorporates by reference the
former. The Commission seeks comment
on whether this result is appropriate.
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Certification of No Effect Pursuant to 5
U.S.C. 605(b) (Regulatory Flexibility
Act)
The Commission certifies that the
attached proposed rules, if promulgated,
would not have a significant economic
impact on a substantial number of small
entities. The basis for this certification
is that any individuals and not-for-profit
enterprises that would be affected by
these proposed rules would not be
‘‘small entities’’ under 5 U.S.C. 601.
The definition of ‘‘small entity’’ does
not include individuals, and includes a
not-for-profit enterprise as a ‘‘small
organization’’ if it is independently
owned and operated and not dominant
in its field. 5 U.S.C. 601(4). Any State,
district, and local party committees that
would be affected by these proposed
rules would be not-for-profit committees
that do not meet the definition of ‘‘small
organization.’’ State political party
committees are not independently
owned and operated because they are
not financed and controlled by a small
identifiable group of individuals, and
they are affiliated with the larger
national political party organizations. In
addition, the State political party
committees representing the Democratic
and Republican parties have a major
controlling influence within the
political arena of their State and are
thus dominant in their field. District
and local party committees are generally
considered affiliated with the State
committees and need not be considered
separately.
Furthermore, any separate segregated
funds that would be affected by these
proposed rules would be not-for-profit
political committees that do not meet
the definition of ‘‘small organization’’
because they are financed by a
combination of individual contributions
and financial support for certain
expenses from corporations, labor
organizations, membership
organizations, or trade associations, and
therefore are not independently owned
and operated. Most of the other political
committees that would be affected by
these proposed rules would be not-forprofit committees that do not meet the
definition of ‘‘small organization.’’ Most
political committees are not
independently owned and operated
because they are not financed by a small
identifiable group of individuals. In
addition, most political committees rely
on contributions from a large number of
individuals to fund the committees’
operations and activities.
To the extent that any State party
committees representing minor political
parties or any other political committees
might be considered ‘‘small
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organizations,’’ the number that would
be affected by this proposed rule would
not be substantial, particularly the
number that would coordinate
expenditures with candidates or
political party committees in connection
with a Federal election. Accordingly, to
the extent that any other entities may
fall within the definition of ‘‘small
entities,’’ any economic impact of
complying with these rules would not
be significant.
These proposed rules would not
impose any new requirements on
commercial vendors. Any indirect
economic effects that the proposed rules
might have on commercial vendors
would result from the decisions of their
clients rather than Commission
requirements.
List of Subjects
11 CFR Part 100
Elections.
11 CFR Part 109
Coordinated and independent
expenditures.
For reasons set out in the preamble,
Subchapter A of Chapter I of title 11 of
the Code of Federal Regulations is
proposed to be amended as follows:
PART 100—SCOPE AND DEFINITIONS
(2 U.S.C. 431)
1. The authority citation for Part 100
continues to read as follows:
Authority: 2 U.S.C. 431, 434, and 438(a)(8).
2. Section 100.23 is added to read as
follows:
Alternative A
§ 100.23 Promote, support, attack, or
oppose.
(a) When ‘‘promote,’’ ‘‘support,’’
‘‘attack,’’ or ‘‘oppose’’ is used in
conjunction with one or more of the
other three component terms in PASO
(as in ‘‘promote or oppose’’ or
‘‘promotes or supports, or attacks or
opposes’’):
(1) The word promote means to help,
encourage, further, or advance;
(2) The word support means to
uphold, aid, or advocate;
(3) The word attack means to argue
with, blame, or criticize; and
(4) The word oppose means to act
against, hinder, obstruct, or be hostile or
adverse to.
(b) A communication may promote,
support, attack, or oppose a candidate
for Federal office in whole or in part,
even if it does not refer to any election,
candidacy, political party, or voting. All
communications that expressly advocate
the election or defeat of a clearly
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identified candidate under 11 CFR
100.22 also promote, support, attack, or
oppose that candidate.
(c) The following are examples of
communications that promote or
support candidates for Federal office:
(1) In a communication by a candidate
for State office, the State candidate
states that, ‘‘We have an outstanding
Democratic candidate running for
President.’’
(2) Senator X is running for reelection
and a tax advocacy group broadcasts a
communication stating, ‘‘Senator X is
working hard to lower your taxes.
Senator X is the one getting it done. Call
Senator X and tell him ‘thanks.’ ’’
(3) ‘‘Congressman X is an outstanding
public servant and of the highest moral
character. Join Congressman X in
supporting the Literacy Now! Act.’’
(d) The following are examples of
communications that do not promote or
support a candidate for Federal office:
(1) A university mails postcards
announcing the opening of a new
campus building named after candidate
X.
(2) Senator X is running for reelection
and appears in a television
advertisement stating, ‘‘I’m Senator X.
Republicans in the statehouse passed a
property tax freeze. The Governor
vetoed the freeze. You can help override
that veto. Visit this Web site: ___.org.’’
(3) Governor X is a candidate for
Federal office and appears in a
television advertisement created by the
State’s tourism bureau, stating ‘‘Come
see our State!’’
(e) The following are examples of
communications that attack or oppose a
candidate for Federal office:
(1) A billboard consists of a picture of
Candidate X and an arrow pointing from
the word ‘‘Liar’’ to the candidate.
(2) A local party committee mailer to
elect a local party chairman contains a
picture of Federal Candidate X laughing,
with the words: ‘‘Stop her laughing. We
can beat her if we are united. But the
county needs a new party chairman.’’
(3) Senator X is running for reelection.
The State party committee in his State
airs this communication: ‘‘Is X looking
out for our State? In Washington, he
takes $136,000 from a notorious lobbyist
now under Federal investigation. Then
X fights for and passes legislation to
give that lobbyist’s client $3 million, in
another State. X doesn’t pass the smell
test. Call X: tell him to start working for
our State.’’
(4) Congressman X is running for
reelection and a group opposing X
broadcasts a communication in which
Candidate X’s visage morphs into the
visage of Hitler.
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(f) The following is an example of a
communication that does not attack or
oppose a candidate for Federal office:
‘‘We don’t know where Congressman
X stands on the Literacy Now! Act. Call
Congressman X and tell him where you
stand.’’
Alternative B
§ 100.23 Promotes, supports, attacks, or
opposes (2 U.S.C. 431(20)(A)(iii)).
(a) The definition below shall apply to
the term ‘‘promotes, supports, attacks,
or opposes,’’ as well as to any instance
in which the terms ‘‘promotes or
attacks’’ and ‘‘supports or opposes’’ are
used in conjunction, regardless of the
verb tense in which these terms are
used, but shall not apply to occurrences
of these terms when used individually
or in isolation from any or all of the
other terms.
(b) A communication promotes,
supports, attacks, or opposes a
candidate for Federal office or political
party if it:
(1) Refers explicitly to a clearly
identified candidate for Federal office or
political party;
(i) With respect to a candidate,
‘‘clearly identified’’ shall have the same
definition as in 11 CFR 100.17;
(ii) With respect to a political party,
‘‘clearly identified’’ shall mean the
party’s name, nickname, logo, or the
identity of the party is otherwise
apparent through an unambiguous
reference such as ‘‘the party controlling
the White House,’’ ‘‘the party
controlling the Senate,’’ ‘‘the party
controlling the House,’’ or ‘‘the party
controlling both houses of Congress’’;
(2) Unambiguously helps, encourages,
advocates for, praises, furthers, argues
with, sets as an adversary, is hostile or
adverse to, or criticizes such political
party or candidate for Federal office. All
communications that expressly advocate
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate under 11 CFR
100.22 also help, encourage, advocate
for, praise, further, argue with, set as an
adversary, are hostile or adverse to, or
criticize such candidate;
(3) Contains a clear nexus between the
clearly identified candidate for Federal
office or political party and an
upcoming Federal election or a
candidacy for such election; and
(4) Is publicly distributed or
otherwise publicly disseminated in the
clearly identified Federal candidate’s
jurisdiction, in the case of a candidate,
or in a jurisdiction in which one or
more candidates of that political party
will appear on the ballot, in the case of
a political party.
(c) A communication does not
promote, support, attack, or oppose
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53911
unless the element(s) of the
communication that unambiguously
helps, encourages, advocates for,
praises, furthers, argues with, sets as an
adversary, is hostile or adverse to, or
criticizes is done through means that are
verbal or pictorial, or a combination
thereof; except that photographic or
videographic alterations, facial
expressions, body language, poses, or
similar features of party officials or
candidates, may not be considered in
determining whether the
communication promotes, supports,
attacks, or opposes.
(1) For the purposes of this section,
verbal means shall include visual text or
audio speech.
(2) For the purposes of this section,
pictorial means shall include depictions
of party officials, candidates, or their
respective logos.
(d) The following are examples of
communications that promote, support,
attack, or oppose, assuming each is
publicly distributed or disseminated in
the candidate’s jurisdiction:
(1) In a public communication by a
candidate for State office, the State
candidate states that, ‘‘We have an
outstanding Democrat, John Doe, at the
top of the ticket this year, running for
the White House.’’
(2) A tax advocacy group broadcasts a
public communication which says,
‘‘Senator X is running for reelection.
Senator X has been a champion for
lowering your taxes. Senator X is the
one getting it done.’’
(3) A billboard displayed in the
congressional district Candidate X seeks
to represent consists of a picture of
Candidate X, an explicit identification
of Candidate X as a candidate for
Congress, and an arrow pointing from
the word ‘‘Liar’’ to the picture of
Candidate X.
(4) Senator X is running for reelection.
The opposing party’s State committee
airs this public communication: ‘‘Is X
looking out for our State? In
Washington, he takes $136,000 from a
notorious lobbyist now under Federal
investigation. Then X fights for and
passes legislation to give that lobbyist’s
client $3 million, in another State. This
November when you cast your vote,
think about this.’’
(5) A radio advertisement states,
‘‘Congressman X is running for
reelection. Congressman X is an
outstanding public servant and of the
highest moral character, and has stood
with us consistently on the Literacy
Now! Act.’’
(e) The following are examples of
communications that do not promote,
support, attack, or oppose, even if they
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are publicly distributed or disseminated
in the candidate’s jurisdiction:
(1) A radio advertisement states,
‘‘Congressman X is an outstanding
public servant and of the highest moral
character. Join Congressman X in
supporting the Literacy Now! Act.’’
(2) A university mails postcards
announcing the opening of a new
campus building named after candidate
X.
(3) Senator X is running for reelection
and appears in a television
advertisement stating, ‘‘I’m Senator X.
Republicans in the statehouse passed a
property tax freeze. The Governor
vetoed the freeze. You can help override
that veto. Visit this Web site:
lll.org.’’
(4) Governor X is a candidate for
Federal office and appears in a
television advertisement created by the
State’s tourism bureau, stating ‘‘Come
see our State!’’
(5) A local party committee mailer to
elect a local party chairman contains a
picture of Federal Candidate X laughing,
with the words: ‘‘Stop her laughing. We
can beat her if we are united. But the
county needs a new party chairman.’’
(6) A television advertisement
features a picture of Congressman X.
Underneath, the text on the screen gives
the date of the upcoming election. In the
background, the Imperial March theme
song from Star Wars is played.
(7) Same as Number 6, but instead,
the Star Spangled Banner is played.
(8) A television ad shows grainy video
of a presidential candidate on a large
screen silently speaking to a group of
masses. A passerby throws a
sledgehammer at the screen.
3. The authority citation for Part 109
continues to read as follows:
Authority: 2 U.S.C. 431(17), 434(c),
438(a)(8), 441a, 441d; Sec. 214(c) of Pub. L.
107–155, 116 Stat. 81.
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Content Alternative 1 (PASO Standard)
4. Section 109.21 is amended by
revising paragraph (c)(3) to read as
follows:
§ 109.21 What is a ‘‘coordinated
communication’’?
*
*
*
*
(c) * * *
(3) A public communication, as
defined in 11 CFR 100.26, that
promotes, supports, attacks, or opposes
a political party or a clearly identified
candidate for Federal office. All
communications expressly advocating
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17:49 Oct 20, 2009
Jkt 220001
Content Alternative 2 (Modified WRTL
Content Standard)
5. Section 109.21 is amended by
revising paragraphs (c) introductory text
and (c)(3), and adding new paragraph
(c)(5) to read as follows:
§ 109.21 What is a ‘‘coordinated
communication’’?
*
*
*
*
*
(c) Content standards. Each of the
types of content described in paragraphs
(c)(1) through (c)(5) of this section
satisfies the content standard of this
section.
*
*
*
*
*
(3) A public communication, as
defined in 11 CFR 100.26, that expressly
advocates, as defined in 11 CFR 100.22,
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate for Federal office.
*
*
*
*
*
(5) A public communication, as
defined in 11 CFR 100.26, that is the
functional equivalent of express
advocacy. For purposes of this section,
a communication is the functional
equivalent of express advocacy if it is
susceptible of no reasonable
interpretation other than as an appeal to
vote for or against a clearly identified
Federal candidate.
*
*
*
*
*
Content Alternative 3 (Clarification of
Express Advocacy Standard)
6. Section 109.21 is amended by
revising paragraph (c)(3) to read as
follows:
PART 109—COORDINATED AND
INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES (2
U.S.C 431(17), 441a(a) and (d), and
Pub. L. 107–155 Sec. 214(c))
*
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate under 11 CFR
100.22 also promote, support, attack, or
oppose that candidate.
*
*
*
*
*
§ 109.21 What is a ‘‘coordinated
communication’’?
*
*
*
*
*
(c) * * *
(3) A public communication, as
defined in 11 CFR 100.26, that expressly
advocates, as defined in 11 CFR 100.22,
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate for Federal office.
*
*
*
*
*
Content Alternative 4 (‘‘Explicit
Agreement’’ Standard)
7. Section 109.21 is amended by
revising paragraphs (c) introductory
text, (c)(3), (d) introductory text, and (e),
and adding new paragraphs (c)(5) and
(d)(7) to read as follows:
§ 109.21 What is a ‘‘coordinated
communication’’?
*
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*
*
Frm 00020
*
Fmt 4702
*
Sfmt 4702
(c) Content standards. Each of the
types of content described in paragraphs
(c)(1) through (c)(5) of this section
satisfies the content standard of this
section.
*
*
*
*
*
(3) A public communication, as
defined in 11 CFR 100.26, that expressly
advocates, as defined in 11 CFR 100.22,
the election or defeat of a clearly
identified candidate for Federal office.
*
*
*
*
*
(5) A public communication, as
defined in 11 CFR 100.26, but only if
the conduct standard in paragraph (d)(7)
of this section is also satisfied.
(d) Conduct standards. Any one of the
following types of conduct satisfies the
conduct standard of this section
whether or not there is formal
collaboration, as defined in paragraph
(e) of this section. The types of conduct
described in paragraphs (d)(1) through
(d)(6) of this section are satisfied
whether or not there is agreement, as
defined in paragraph (e) of this section:
*
*
*
*
*
(7) Agreement. There is a formal or
informal agreement between a
candidate, authorized committee, or
political party committee and a person
paying for the communication to create,
produce, or distribute the
communication. For purposes of this
paragraph (d)(7), either the
communication or the agreement must
be made for the purpose of influencing
a Federal election.
(e) Agreement or formal collaboration.
Agreement between the person paying
for the communication and the
candidate clearly identified in the
communication, or the candidate’s
authorized committee, the candidate’s
opponent, the opponent’s authorized
committee, or a political party
committee, is not required for a
communication to be a coordinated
communication if any of the types of
conduct described in paragraphs (d)(1)
through (d)(6) of this section are
satisfied. Formal collaboration between
the person paying for the
communication and the candidate
clearly identified in the communication,
or the candidate’s authorized
committee, the candidate’s opponent,
the opponent’s authorized committee, or
a political party committee, is not
required for a communication to be a
coordinated communication. Agreement
means a mutual understanding or
meeting of the minds on all or any part
of the material aspects of the
communication or its dissemination.
Formal collaboration means planned, or
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days two-year period ending on the date
of the general election for the office or
seat that the candidate seeks; and
*
*
*
*
*
systematically organized, work on the
communication.
*
*
*
*
*
8. Section 109.21 is amended by
revising paragraphs (d)(4)(ii) and
(d)(5)(i) to read as follows:
§ 109.21 What is a ‘‘coordinated
communication’’?
*
*
*
(d) * * *
*
*
Conduct Alternative 1 (No Change)
(4) * * *
(ii) That commercial vendor,
including any owner, officer, or
employee of the commercial vendor, has
provided any of the following services
to the candidate who is clearly
identified in the communication, or the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or a political
party committee, during the previous
120 days;
*
*
*
*
*
(5) * * *
(i) The communication is paid for by
a person, or by the employer of a
person, who was an employee or
independent contractor of the candidate
who is clearly identified in the
communication, or the candidate’s
authorized committee, the candidate’s
opponent, the opponent’s authorized
committee, or a political party
committee, during the previous 120
days; and
*
*
*
*
*
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Conduct Alternative 2 (Two-Year
Period)
(4) * * *
(ii) That commercial vendor,
including any owner, officer, or
employee of the commercial vendor, has
provided any of the following services
to the candidate who is clearly
identified in the communication, or the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or a political
party committee, during the two-year
period ending on the date of the general
election for the office or seat that the
candidate seeks;
*
*
*
*
*
(5) * * *
(i) The communication is paid for by
a person, or by the employer of a
person, who was an employee or
independent contractor of the candidate
who is clearly identified in the
communication, or the candidate’s
authorized committee, the candidate’s
opponent, the opponent’s authorized
committee, or a political party
committee, during the previous 120
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17:49 Oct 20, 2009
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Conduct Alternative 3 (Current Election
Cycle)
(4) * * *
(ii) That commercial vendor,
including any owner, officer, or
employee of the commercial vendor, has
provided any of the following services
to the candidate who is clearly
identified in the communication, or the
candidate’s authorized committee, the
candidate’s opponent, the opponent’s
authorized committee, or a political
party committee, during the current
election cycle;
*
*
*
*
*
(5) * * *
(i) The communication is paid for by
a person, or by the employer of a
person, who was an employee or
independent contractor of the candidate
who is clearly identified in the
communication, or the candidate’s
authorized committee, the candidate’s
opponent, the opponent’s authorized
committee, or a political party
committee, during the current election
cycle; and
*
*
*
*
*
■ 9. Section 109.21 is amended by
adding new paragraphs (i) and (j) to read
as follows:
§ 109.21 What is a ‘‘coordinated
communication’’?
*
*
*
*
*
(i) Safe harbor for Federal candidates’
support of public policies or legislative
initiatives. A public communication
paid for by an organization described in
26 U.S.C. 501(c)(3) and exempt from
taxation under 26 U.S.C. 501(a), in
which a candidate for Federal office
expresses or seeks support for that
organization, or for a position on a
public policy or legislative proposal
espoused by that organization, is not a
coordinated communication with
respect to the candidate unless the
public communication promotes,
supports, attacks, or opposes the
candidate or another candidate who
seeks election to the same office as the
candidate.
(j) Safe harbor for commercial
transactions. A public communication
in which a Federal candidate is clearly
identified only in his or her capacity as
the owner or operator of a business that
existed prior to the candidacy is not a
coordinated communication with
respect to the clearly identified
candidate if
(1) The medium, timing, content, and
geographic distribution of the public
PO 00000
Frm 00021
Fmt 4702
Sfmt 4702
53913
communication are consistent with
public communications made prior to
the candidacy; and
(2) The public communication does
not promote, support, attack, or oppose
that candidate or another candidate who
seeks the same office as that candidate.
Dated: October 15, 2009.
On behalf of the Commission.
Steven T. Walther,
Chairman, Federal Election Commission.
[FR Doc. E9–25240 Filed 10–20–09; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 6715–01–P
SMALL BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION
13 CFR Part 121
RIN 3245–AF71
Small Business Size Standards:
Accommodation and Food Services
Industries
AGENCY: U.S. Small Business
Administration.
ACTION: Proposed rule.
SUMMARY: The U.S. Small Business
Administration (SBA) proposes to
increase small business size standards
for five industries in North American
Industry Classification System (NAICS)
Sector 72, Accommodation and Food
Services—namely NAICS 721110,
Hotels and Motels, from $7.0 million to
$30 million; NAICS 721120, Casino
Hotels, from $7.0 million to $30 million;
NAICS 722211, Limited Service
Restaurants, from $7.0 million to $10
million; NAICS 722212, Cafeterias, from
$7.0 million to $25.5 million; and
NAICS 722310, Food Service
Contractors, from $20.5 million to $35.5
million. As part of its ongoing initiative
to review all size standards, SBA has
evaluated each industry in Sector 72 to
determine whether the existing size
standards should be retained or revised.
This proposed rule is one of a series of
proposals that will examine industries
grouped by an NAICS Sector. As part of
this series of proposed rules SBA is
publishing concurrently in this issue of
the Federal Register a proposed rule to
modify small business size standards in
Sector 44–45, Retail Trade, and Sector
81, Other Services. SBA has established
its ‘‘Size Standards Methodology’’ and
published elsewhere in this issue of the
Federal Register a notice of its
availability on SBA’s Web site at http:
//www.sba.gov/size. SBA has applied
‘‘Size Standards Methodology’’ to this
proposed rule.
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Agencies
[Federal Register Volume 74, Number 202 (Wednesday, October 21, 2009)]
[Proposed Rules]
[Pages 53893-53913]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: E9-25240]
========================================================================
Proposed Rules
Federal Register
________________________________________________________________________
This section of the FEDERAL REGISTER contains notices to the public of
the proposed issuance of rules and regulations. The purpose of these
notices is to give interested persons an opportunity to participate in
the rule making prior to the adoption of the final rules.
========================================================================
Federal Register / Vol. 74, No. 202 / Wednesday, October 21, 2009 /
Proposed Rules
[[Page 53893]]
FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION
11 CFR Parts 100 and 109
[Notice 2009--23]
Coordinated Communications
AGENCY: Federal Election Commission.
ACTION: Notice of Proposed Rulemaking.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
SUMMARY: The Federal Election Commission seeks comments on proposed
changes to its rules regarding coordinated communications under the
Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended. These proposed
changes are in response to the decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit in Shays v. FEC. The Commission
has made no final decision on the issues presented in this rulemaking.
Further information is provided in the supplementary information that
follows.
DATES: Comments must be received on or before January 19, 2010. The
Commission will hold a hearing on these proposed rules and will
announce the date of the hearing at a later date. Anyone wishing to
testify at the hearing must file written comments by the due date and
must include a request to testify in the written comments.
ADDRESSES: All comments must be in writing, addressed to Ms. Amy L.
Rothstein, Assistant General Counsel, and submitted in either
electronic, facsimile or hard copy form. Commenters are strongly
encouraged to submit comments electronically to ensure timely receipt
and consideration. Electronic comments should be sent to
CoordinationShays3@fec.gov. If the electronic comments include an
attachment, the attachment must be in Adobe Acrobat (.pdf) or Microsoft
Word (.doc) format. Faxed comments should be sent to (202) 219-3923,
with hard copy follow-up. Hard copy comments and hard copy follow-up of
faxed comments should be sent to the Federal Election Commission, 999 E
Street, NW., Washington, DC 20463. All comments must include the full
name and postal service address of the commenter or they will not be
considered. The Commission will post comments on its Web site after the
comment period ends. The hearing will be held in the Commission's ninth
floor meeting room, 999 E Street, NW., Washington, DC
FOR FURTHER INFORMATION, CONTACT: Ms. Amy L. Rothstein, Assistant
General Counsel, or Attorneys Ms. Jessica Selinkoff, Ms. Esther D.
Heiden or Ms. Joanna S. Waldstreicher, 999 E Street, NW., Washington,
DC 20463, (202) 694-1650 or (800) 424-9530.
SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of
2002\1\ (``BCRA'') contained extensive and detailed amendments to the
Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended, 2 U.S.C. 431 et seq.
(``the Act''). The Commission promulgated a number of rules to
implement BCRA, including rules defining ``coordinated communications''
at 11 CFR 109.21. The Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia
Circuit found aspects of these rules invalid in Shays v. FEC, 528 F.3d
914 (DC Cir. 2008) (``Shays III Appeal'').
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ Public Law 107-155, 116 Stat. 81 (2002).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
In response to the Shays III Appeal decision, the Commission seeks
comment on possible changes to the ``coordinated communication''
regulations at 109.21, which govern communications made in coordination
with Federal candidates, their authorized committees, or political
party committees, but paid for by persons other than the candidate, the
authorized committee, or the political party committee with whom the
communication is coordinated. The Commission's rules at 11 CFR 109.37
regulate communications made in coordination with Federal candidates or
their authorized committee, but paid for by a political party committee
with which the coordination occurred (``party coordinated
communication'' regulations). The party coordinated communication
regulations (11 CFR 109.37) mirror, to a large extent, the coordinated
communications regulations.\2\ The Commission is not proposing to
revise the party coordinated communication rules in this rulemaking
because they were not addressed by the Shays III Appeal decision, but
invites comment on whether it should issue a notice of proposed
rulemaking on this subject.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ When the Commission revised its coordinated communications
rules in 2002 pursuant to the statutory mandate in BCRA, the
Commission also adopted substantially parallel party coordinated
communication rules to address coordinated communications that were
paid for by political party committees in order ``to give clear
guidance to those affected by BCRA.'' See Explanation and
Justification for Final Rules on Coordinated and Independent
Expenditures, 68 FR 421 (Jan. 3, 2003). When the Commission revised
its coordinated communications rules in 2006, the Commission gave
consideration as to whether its party coordinated communication
rules at 11 CFR 109.37 should continue to mirror the coordinated
communication rules at 11 CFR 109.21.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
I. Background Information
The Act and Commission regulations limit the amount a person may
contribute to a candidate and that candidate's authorized political
committee with respect to any election for Federal office, and also
limit the amount a person may contribute to other political committees
in a given calendar year. See 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(1); 11 CFR 110.1(b)(1),
(c)(1), (d); see also 2 U.S.C. 441b; 11 CFR 114.2 (prohibitions on
corporate contributions). A ``contribution'' may take the form of money
or ``anything of value,'' including an in-kind contribution, provided
to a candidate or political committee for the purpose of influencing a
Federal election. See 2 U.S.C. 431(8)(A)(i), (9)(A)(i); 11 CFR
100.52(a), (d)(1), 100.111(a), (e)(1). An expenditure made in
coordination with a candidate, or with a candidate's authorized
political committee, constitutes an in-kind contribution to that
candidate subject to contribution limits and prohibitions and must,
subject to certain exceptions, be reported as an expenditure by that
candidate. See 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(7); 11 CFR 109.20, 109.21(b).
The national committees and State committees of political parties
may also make ``coordinated party expenditures'' in connection with the
general election campaigns of Federal candidates, within certain
limits. 2 U.S.C. 441a(d); 11 CFR 109.32(a), (b). Coordinated party
expenditures are in addition to any contributions by the political
party committees to candidates within the contribution limits of 11 CFR
110.1 and 110.2. 2 U.S.C. 441a(d); 11 CFR 109.32(a)(3), (b)(4).
[[Page 53894]]
A. Before BCRA
The Supreme Court first examined independent expenditures and
coordination or cooperation between candidates and other persons in
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 58 (1976), though coordination was not
explicitly addressed in the Act at that time. See Public Law 93-443, 88
Stat. 1263 (1974); Public Law 92-225, 86 Stat. 3 (1972) (codified as
amended at 2 U.S.C. 431 et seq.). In Buckley, the Court distinguished
expenditures that were not truly independent--that is, expenditures
made in coordination with a candidate or the candidate's authorized
committee--from constitutionally protected ``independent
expenditures.'' Buckley, 424 U.S. at 78-82. The Court noted that a
third party's ``prearrangement and coordination of an expenditure with
the candidate or his agent'' presents a ``danger that expenditures will
be given as a quid pro quo for improper commitments from the
candidate.'' Id. at 47. The Court further noted that the Act's
contribution limits must not be circumvented through ``prearranged or
coordinated expenditures amounting to disguised contributions.'' Id.
The Court concluded that a ``contribution'' includes ``all expenditures
placed in cooperation with or with the consent of a candidate, his
agents, or an authorized committee of the candidate.'' Id. at 78; see
also id. at 47 n.53.
After Buckley, Congress amended the Act to define an ``independent
expenditure'' as excluding an expenditure made in ``cooperation or
consultation with'' or ``in concert with, or at the request or
suggestion of'' a candidate or the candidate's authorized committee or
agent. Public Law 94-283 (1976) (now codified at 2 U.S.C. 431(17)).
Congress also amended the Act to provide that an expenditure ``shall be
considered to be a contribution'' when it is made by any person ``in
cooperation, consultation, or concert, with, or at the request or
suggestion of'' a candidate, a candidate's authorized committees, or
their agents. Public Law 94-283 (1976) (codified at 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(B)(i) (1976)). The Act treats expenditures made for the
dissemination, distribution, or republication of campaign materials
prepared by a candidate, a candidate's authorized committees, or their
agents as contributions. See Public Law 94-283 (1976) (now codified at
2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(7)(B)(iii)). Although Congress made some adjustments
to the Act in the decades following Buckley, as discussed below, the
coordination provisions remained substantively unchanged until BCRA.
Prior to the enactment of BCRA, the Commission adopted new
coordination regulations in response to several court decisions.\3\ See
11 CFR 100.23 (2001); Explanation and Justification for Final Rules on
General Public Political Communications Coordinated with Candidates and
Party Committees; Independent Expenditures, 65 FR 76138 (Dec. 6, 2000).
Drawing on judicial guidance in Christian Coalition, the Commission
defined a new term, ``coordinated general public political
communication'' (``GPPC''), to determine whether expenditures for
communications by unauthorized committees, advocacy groups, and
individuals qualified as independent expenditures or were coordinated
with candidates or party committees. A GPPC that ``included'' a clearly
identified candidate was coordinated if a third party paid for it and
if it was created, produced, or distributed (1) at the candidate's or
party committee's request or suggestion; (2) after the candidate or
party committee exercised control or decision-making authority over
certain factors; or (3) after ``substantial discussion or negotiation''
with the candidate or party committee regarding certain factors. 11 CFR
100.23(b), (c) (2001). The regulations explained that ``substantial
discussion or negotiation may be evidenced by one or more meetings,
conversations or conferences regarding the value or importance of the
communication for a particular election.'' 11 CFR 100.23(c)(2)(iii)
(2001).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\3\ See Colo. Republican Fed. Campaign Comm. v. FEC, 518 U.S.
604 (1996) (concluding that political parties may make independent
expenditures on behalf of their Federal candidates); FEC v.
Christian Coalition, 52 F. Supp. 2d 45, 92 (D.D.C. 1999)
(``Christian Coalition'') (concluding that an ``expressive
expenditure'' only becomes ``coordinated'' when the candidate
requests or suggests the expenditure or when a candidate can
exercise control over or when there has been substantial discussion
or negotiation between the candidate and the spender over a
communication's: (1) Content; (2) timing; (3) location, mode, or
intended audience (e.g., choice between newspaper or radio
advertisement); or (4) ``volume'' (e.g., number of copies of printed
materials or frequency of media spots)).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
B. Impact of BCRA
In 2002, Congress revised the coordination provisions in the Act.
See BCRA at secs. 202, 214, 116 Stat. at 90-91, 94-95. BCRA retained
the statutory provision that an expenditure is a contribution to a
candidate when it is made by any person ``in cooperation, consultation,
or concert, with, or at the request or suggestion of'' that candidate,
the candidate's authorized committee, or their agents. See 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(B)(i). BCRA added a similar provision governing coordination
with political party committees: Expenditures made by any person, other
than a candidate or the candidate's authorized committee, ``in
cooperation, consultation, or concert, with, or at the request or
suggestion of'' a national, State, or local party committee, are
contributions to that political party committee. 2 U.S.C.
441a(a)(7)(B)(ii). BCRA also amended the Act to specify that a
coordinated electioneering communication shall be a contribution to,
and expenditure by, the candidate supported by that communication or
that candidate's party. See 2 U.S.C. 441a(a)(7)(C).
BCRA expressly repealed the GPPC regulation at 11 CFR 100.23 and
directed the Commission to promulgate new regulations on ``coordinated
communications'' in their place. See BCRA at sec. 214, 116 Stat. at 94-
95. Although Congress did not define the term ``coordinated
communications'' in BCRA, the statute specified that the Commission's
new regulations ``shall not require agreement or formal collaboration
to establish coordination.'' \4\ BCRA at sec. 214(c), 116 Stat. at 95.
BCRA also required that, ``[i]n addition to any subject determined by
the Commission, the regulations shall address (1) payments for the
republication of campaign materials; (2) payments for the use of a
common vendor; (3) payments for communications directed or made by
persons who previously served as an employee of a candidate or a
political party; and (4) payments for communications made by a person
after substantial discussion about the communication with a candidate
or a political party.'' BCRA at sec. 214(c), 116 Stat. at 95; 2 U.S.C.
441a(7)(B)(ii) note.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\4\ The Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia has noted
that ``[a]part from this negative command--`shall not require'--BCRA
merely listed several topics the rules `shall address,' providing no
guidance as to how the FEC should address them.'' Shays v. Federal
FEC, 414 F.3d 76, 97-98 (DC Cir. 2005).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
As detailed below, the Commission promulgated revised coordinated
communications regulations in 2002 as required by BCRA. Several aspects
of those revised regulations were successfully challenged in Shays v.
FEC, 337 F. Supp. 2d 28 (D.D.C. 2004) (``Shays I District''), aff'd,
Shays v. FEC, 414 F.3d 76 (DC Cir. 2005) (``Shays I Appeal''), petition
for reh'g en banc denied, No. 04-5352 (DC Cir. Oct. 21, 2005). In 2006,
the Commission further revised its coordination regulations in
[[Page 53895]]
response to Shays I Appeal. These revised rules were themselves
challenged in Shays v. FEC, 508 F. Supp. 2d 10 (D.D.C. 2007) (``Shays
III District''), aff'd, Shays v. FEC, 528 F.3d 914 (DC Cir. 2008)
(``Shays III Appeal'').\5\ The Commission is issuing this Notice of
Proposed Rulemaking (``NPRM'') in response to Shays III Appeal.
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\5\ A third case filed by the same Plaintiff, referred to as
``Shays II,'' addressed the Commission's approach to regulating so-
called ``527'' organizations and is not relevant to the coordination
rules at issue in this NPRM. See Shays v. FEC, 511 F. Supp. 2d 19
(D.D.C. 2007).
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C. 2002 Rulemaking
On December 17, 2002, the Commission promulgated regulations as
required by BCRA. See 11 CFR 109.21 (2003); see also Explanation and
Justification for Final Rules on Coordinated and Independent
Expenditures, 68 FR 421 (Jan. 3, 2003) (``2002 E&J''). The Commission's
2002 coordinated communication regulations set forth a three-prong test
for determining whether a communication is a coordinated communication,
and therefore an in-kind contribution to, and an expenditure by, a
candidate, a candidate's authorized committee, or a political party
committee. See 11 CFR 109.21(a). First, the communication must be paid
for by someone other than a candidate, a candidate's authorized
committee, a political party committee, or their agents (the ``payment
prong''). See 11 CFR 109.21(a)(1) (2003). Second, the communication
must satisfy one of four content standards (the ``content prong''). See
11 CFR 109.21(a)(2), (c) (2003). Third, the communication must satisfy
one of five conduct standards (the ``conduct prong'').\6\ See 11 CFR
109.21(a)(3), (d) (2003). A communication must satisfy all three prongs
to be a ``coordinated communication.''
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\6\ A sixth conduct standard clarifies the application of the
other five to the dissemination, distribution, or republication of
campaign materials. See 11 CFR 109.21(d)(6) (2003).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. Content Standards
As stated in the 2002 E&J, each of the four standards that comprise
the content prong of the 2002 coordinated communication regulation
identified a category of communications whose ``subject matter is
reasonably related to an election.'' 2002 E&J, 68 FR at 427. The first
content standard is satisfied if the communication is an electioneering
communication. See 11 CFR 109.21(c)(1) (2003). The second content
standard is satisfied by a public communication made at any time that
disseminates, distributes, or republishes campaign materials prepared
by a candidate, a candidate's authorized committee, or agents thereof.
See 11 CFR 109.21(c)(2) (2003), 109.37(a)(2)(i) (2003). The third
content standard is satisfied if a public communication made at any
time expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified
candidate for Federal office. See 11 CFR 109.21(c)(3) (2003),
109.37(a)(2)(ii) (2003). The fourth content standard is satisfied if a
public communication (1) refers to a political party or a clearly
identified Federal candidate; \7\ (2) is publicly distributed or
publicly disseminated 120 days or fewer before an election (the ``120-
Day Time Window''); and (3) is directed to voters in the jurisdiction
of the clearly identified Federal candidate or to voters in a
jurisdiction in which one or more candidates of the political party
appear on the ballot. See 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4) (2003).
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\7\ The party coordinated communications content prong contains
a similar standard, except that element (1) includes only references
to clearly identified Federal candidates. 11 CFR 109.37(a)(2)(iii)
(2003).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Conduct Standards
The 2002 coordinated communication regulations also contained five
conduct standards.\8\ A communication created, produced, or distributed
(1) at the request or suggestion of, (2) after material involvement by,
or (3) after substantial discussion with, a candidate, a candidate's
authorized committee, or a political party committee, would satisfy the
first three conduct standards. See 11 CFR 109.21(d)(1)-(3) (2003).
These three conduct standards were not at issue in Shays III Appeal,
and are not addressed in this rulemaking.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\8\ The party coordinated communications rule incorporated the
same conduct standards by reference to 11 CFR 109.21(d)(1) through
(d)(6). See 11 CFR 109.37(a)(3) (2003).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The remaining two conduct standards, which are at issue in this
rulemaking, are the (1) ``common vendor'' and (2) ``former employee''
standards. The common vendor conduct standard is satisfied if (1) the
person paying for the communication contracts with, or employs, a
``commercial vendor'' to create, produce, or distribute the
communication, (2) the commercial vendor has provided certain specified
services to the political party committee or the clearly identified
candidate referred to in the communication within the current election
cycle, and (3) the commercial vendor uses or conveys information to the
person paying for the communication about the plans, projects,
activities, or needs of the candidate or political party committee, or
information used by the commercial vendor in serving the candidate or
political party committee, and that information is material to the
creation, production, or distribution of the communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(d)(4) (2003).
The former employee conduct standard is satisfied if (1) the
communication is paid for by a person, or by the employer of a person,
who was an employee or independent contractor of the candidate or the
political party committee clearly identified in the communication
within the current election cycle, and (2) the former employee or
independent contractor uses or conveys information to the person paying
for the communication about the plans, projects, activities, or needs
of the candidate or political party committee, or information used by
the former employee or independent contractor in serving the candidate
or political party committee, and that information is material to the
creation, distribution, or production of the communication. See 11 CFR
109.21(d)(5) (2003).
These two conduct standards covered former employees, independent
contractors, and vendors \9\ only if they had provided services to a
candidate or party committee during the ``current election cycle,'' as
defined in 11 CFR 100.3. 2002 E&J, 68 FR at 436; 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4),
(5) (2003).
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\9\ See 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4)(ii) for the specific services that a
vendor must provide in order to trigger the common vendor standard.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
D. Shays I Appeal
The Court of Appeals in Shays I Appeal found that the content prong
regulations did not run counter to the unambiguously expressed intent
of Congress. Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at 99-100 (applying Chevron
U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984)).
Nonetheless, the court found the 120-Day Time Window in the fourth
standard of the content prong of the coordinated communication
regulations to be unsupported by adequate explanation and justification
and, thus, arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure
Act (``APA'') and affirmed the Shays I District court's invalidation of
the rule. Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at 102. Although the Court of
Appeals found the explanation for the particular time frame adopted to
be lacking, the Shays I Appeal court rejected the argument that the
Commission is precluded from establishing a ``bright line test.'' Id.
at 99.
[[Page 53896]]
The Shays I Appeal court concluded that the regulation's ``fatal
defect'' was in offering no persuasive justification for the 120-Day
Time Window and ``the weak restraints applying outside of it.'' Id. at
100. The court concluded that, by limiting coordinated communications
made outside of the 120-Day Time Window to communications containing
express advocacy or the republication of campaign materials, the
Commission ``has in effect allowed a coordinated communication free-
for-all for much of each election cycle.'' Id. Indeed, the ``most
important'' question the court asked was, ``would candidates and
collaborators aiming to influence elections simply shift coordinated
spending outside that period to avoid the challenged rules'
restrictions?'' Id. at 102.
The Shays I Appeal court required the Commission to undertake a
factual inquiry to determine whether the temporal line that it drew
``reasonably defines the period before an election when non-express
advocacy likely relates to purposes other than `influencing' a Federal
election'' or whether it ``will permit exactly what BCRA aims to
prevent: evasion of campaign finance restrictions through unregulated
collaboration.'' Id. at 101-02.
E. 2005 Rulemaking
In 2005, in the post-Shays I Appeal rulemaking, the Commission
proposed seven alternatives for revising the content prong. See Notice
of Proposed Rulemaking on Coordinated Communications, 70 FR 73946 (Dec.
14, 2005) (``2005 NPRM''). The Commission also used licensed data that
provided empirical information regarding the timing, frequency and cost
of television advertising spots in the 2004 election cycle. See
Supplemental Notice of Proposed Rulemaking on Coordinated
Communications, 71 FR 13306 (Mar. 15, 2006).
Although not challenged in Shays I Appeal, the ``election cycle''
time frame of the common vendor and former employee conduct standards
at 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4) and (5), among other aspects of that prong, was
also reconsidered in the 2005 NPRM. The Commission sought comment on
how the ``election cycle'' time limitation works in practice and
whether the strategic value of information on a candidate's plans,
products, and activities lasts throughout the election cycle. 2005
NPRM, 70 FR at 73955-56.
The Commission also noted that the party coordinated communication
regulation, while not addressed in Shays I Appeal, contained a three-
prong test that was ``substantially the same'' as the coordinated
communication regulation that had been invalidated by the Shays I
Appeal court. 2005 NPRM, 70 FR at 73956. The Commission sought comment
on whether it should make conforming changes to the party coordinated
communication regulation if it revised the existing coordinated
communication regulation. 2005 NPRM, 70 FR at 73956.
In 2006, the Commission promulgated revised rules that retained the
content prong at 11 CFR 109.21(c), but revised the time periods in the
fourth content standard. Relying on the licensed empirical data, the
Commission revised the coordinated communication regulation at 11 CFR
109.21(c)(4) and applied different time periods for communications
coordinated with Presidential candidates (120 days before a State's
primary through the general election), congressional candidates
(separate 90-day time windows before a primary and before a general
election), and political parties (tied to either the Presidential or
congressional time periods, depending on the communication and election
cycle). See Explanation and Justification for Final Rules on
Coordinated Communications, 71 FR 33190 (June 8, 2006) (``2006 E&J'').
The 2006 coordinated communication regulations also reduced the
period of time during which a common vendor's or former employee's
relationship with the authorized committee or political party committee
referred to in the communication could satisfy the conduct prong, from
the entire election cycle to 120 days. 2006 E&J, 71 FR at 33204. The
2006 E&J noted that, especially in regard to the six-year Senate
election cycles, the ``election cycle'' time limit was ``overly broad
and unnecessary to the effective implementation of the coordination
provisions.'' Id. The 2006 E&J reasoned that 120 days was a ``more
appropriate'' limit. Id.
Although the party coordinated communication regulations were not
addressed in the Shays I Appeal, in 2006 the Commission also revised
the regulations at 11 CFR 109.37 to provide consistency with revisions
to the coordinated communication regulations at 11 CFR 109.21.
Specifically, the Commission revised the time periods in the content
standard at 11 CFR 109.37(a)(2)(iii) of the party coordinated
communication regulations, adopting the same time periods for
presidential candidates (120 days before a State's primary through the
general election) and congressional candidates (90 days before the
primary and general elections) as in the coordinated communication
regulations at 11 CFR 109.21(c)(4). See 2006 E&J, 71 FR at 33207. The
Commission also incorporated into the party coordinated communication
regulations the new safe harbors at 11 CFR 109.21(d)(2)-(5) for use of
publicly available information, and the safe harbors at 11 CFR
109.21(g) for endorsements and solicitations by Federal candidates, and
at 11 CFR 109.21(h) for the establishment and use of a firewall. See
2006 E&J, 71 FR at 33207-08.
F. Shays III Appeal
On June 13, 2008, the Court of Appeals issued its opinion in Shays
III Appeal.
1. Content Standards
The Shays III Appeal court held that the Commission's decision to
apply ``express advocacy'' as the only content standard\10\ outside the
90-day and 120-day windows ``runs counter to BCRA's purpose as well as
the APA.'' Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d at 926. The court found that,
although the administrative record demonstrated that the ``vast
majority'' of advertisements were run in the more strictly regulated
90-day and 120-day windows, a ``significant number'' of advertisements
ran before those windows and ``very few ads contain magic words.''\11\
Id. at 924. The Shays III Appeal court held that ``the FEC's decision
to regulate ads more strictly within the 90/120-day windows was
perfectly reasonable, but its decision to apply a `functionally
meaningless' standard outside those windows was not.'' Id. at 924
(quoting McConnell v. FEC, 540 U.S. 93, 193 (2003)) (concluding that
Buckley's `magic words' requirement is ``functionally meaningless'');
see also McConnell v. FEC, 251 F. Supp. 2d 176, 303-04 (D.D.C. 2003)
(Henderson, J.); id. at 534 (Kollar-Kotelly, J.); id. at 875-79 (Leon,
J.)) (discussing ``magic words'').
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\10\ The court did not address the republication of campaign
materials, see 11 CFR 109.21(c)(2), in its analysis of the period
outside the time windows.
\11\ ``Magic words'' are ``examples of words of express
advocacy, such as `vote for,' `elect,' `support,' * * * `defeat,'
[and] `reject.''' McConnell v. FEC, 540 U.S. 93, 191 (2003) (quoting
Buckley, 424 U.S. at 44 n.52).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The court noted that ``although the FEC * * * may choose a content
standard less restrictive than the most restrictive it could impose, it
must demonstrate that the standard it selects `rationally separates
election-related advocacy from other activity falling outside FECA's
expenditure definition.'''\12\ Shays III Appeal, 528
[[Page 53897]]
F.3d at 926 (quoting Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at 102). The court stated
that ``the `express advocacy' standard fails that test,'' but did not
explicitly articulate a less restrictive standard that would meet the
test. Id.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\12\ An ``expenditure'' includes ``any purchase, payment,
distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money or anything
of value, made by any person for the purpose of influencing any
election for Federal office.'' 2 U.S.C. 431(9); see also 11 CFR
100.111(a).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The court expressed particular concern about a possible scenario in
which, ``more than 90/120 days before an election, candidates may ask
wealthy supporters to fund ads on their behalf, so long as those ads do
not contain magic words.'' Id. at 925. The court noted that the
Commission ``would do nothing about'' such coordination, ``even if a
contract formalizing the coordination and specifying that it was `for
the purpose of influencing a Federal election' appeared on the front
page of the New York Times.'' Id. The court held that such a rule not
only frustrates Congress's purpose to prohibit funds in excess of the
applicable contribution limits from being used in connection with
Federal elections, but ``provides a clear roadmap for doing so.'' Id.
2. Conduct Standards
The Shays III Appeal court also invalidated the 120-day period of
time during which a common vendor's or former campaign employee's
relationship with an authorized committee or political party committee
could satisfy the conduct prong at 11 CFR 109.21(d)(4) and (d)(5).
Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d at 928-29. The Shays III Appeal court found
that with respect to the change in the 2006 coordinated communication
regulations from the ``current election cycle'' to a 120-day period,
``the Commission's generalization that material information may not
remain material for long overlooks the possibility that some
information * * * may very well remain material for at least the
duration of a campaign.'' Id. at 928. The court therefore found that
the Commission had failed to justify the change to a 120-day time
window, and, as such, the change was arbitrary and capricious. Id. The
court concluded that, while the Commission may have discretion in
drawing a bright line in this area, it had not provided an adequate
explanation for the 120-day time period, and that the Commission must
support its decision with reasoning and evidence. Id. at 929.
II. Proposals To Address Coordinated Communications Content Standards
To address the Shays III Appeal court's concern regarding election-
related communications taking place outside the 90-day and 120-day
windows, the Commission is considering retaining the existing four
content standards in 11 CFR 109.21(c), and adopting one or more of the
following four approaches: (1) Adopting a content standard to cover
public communications that promote, support, attack, or oppose a
political party or a clearly identified Federal candidate (the ``PASO
standard''); (2) adopting a content standard to cover public
communications that are the ``functional equivalent of express
advocacy,'' as articulated in FEC v. Wis. Right to Life, Inc., 551 U.S.
449, 469-70 (2007) (the ``Modified WRTL content standard''); (3)
clarifying that the existing content standard includes express advocacy
as defined under both 11 CFR 100.22(a) and (b); and (4) adopting a
standard that pairs a public communication standard with a new conduct
standard (the ``Explicit Agreement'' standard).\13\ The Commission has
not made any determination as to which, if any, of these standards to
adopt in the final rules, or whether it should adopt a combination of
these standards, or some other standard altogether.
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\13\ A ``public communication'' is ``a communication by means of
any broadcast, cable, or satellite communication, newspaper,
magazine, outdoor advertising facility, mass mailing, or telephone
bank to the general public, or any other form of general public
political advertising. The term general public political advertising
shall not include communications over the Internet, except for
communications placed for a fee on another person's Web site.'' 11
CFR 100.26; see also 2 U.S.C. 431(22).
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The Commission invites comment on which, if any, of the four
proposals best complies with the Shays III Appeal decision and why. The
Commission is particularly interested in whether any of the proposals,
standing alone, would satisfy the decision of the Court of Appeals in
Shays III Appeal. Additionally, several of the alternatives propose
broader content standards than those that are currently in 11 CFR
109.21, thus potentially bringing a broader range of communications
under the Commission's more restrictive contribution regulations. The
Commission invites comment on how this possibility relates to (1) the
Commission's jurisdictional limitations; (2) the distinction courts
have drawn between contributions versus independent spending and other
protected speech (see, e.g., Buckley, 524 U.S. at 22; FEC v. Colo.
Republican Fed. Campaign Comm., 533 U.S. 431 (2001) (``Colorado II'');
Colo. Republican Fed. Campaign Comm. v. FEC, 518 U.S. 604 (1996)
(``Colorado I'')); and (3) the possibility that enforcement of the
Commission's regulations that draw the line between independent and
coordinated speech may have the potential to chill independent speech.
A. Alternative 1--The PASO Standard--Proposed 11 CFR 109.21(c)(3) and
Proposed PASO Definition Alternatives A and B at 11 CFR 100.23
Alternative 1 would amend 11 CFR 109.21(c) by replacing the express
advocacy standard with a PASO standard. Under the PASO standard, any
public communication that promotes, supports, attacks, or opposes a
political party or a clearly identified candidate for Federal office
would meet the content prong of the coordinated communications test,
without regard to when the communication is made or the targeted
audience. The Commission also is considering two alternative
definitions of promote, support, attack, or oppose (``PASO'').
1. Background
In BCRA, Congress created a number of new campaign finance
provisions that apply to communications that PASO Federal candidates.
For example, Congress included public communications that refer to a
candidate for Federal office and that PASO a candidate for that office
as one type of Federal election activity (``Type III'' Federal election
activity). BCRA requires that State, district, and local party
committees, Federal candidates, and State candidates pay for PASO
communications entirely with Federal funds. See 2 U.S.C.
431(20)(A)(iii); 441i(b), (e), (f); see also 2 U.S.C. 441i(d)
(prohibiting national, State, district, and local party committees from
soliciting donations for tax-exempt organizations that make
expenditures or disbursements for Federal election activity).
Congress also included PASO in the backup definition of
``electioneering communication,'' should that term's primary definition
be found to be constitutionally insufficient. See 2 U.S.C.
434(f)(3)(A)(ii). In addition, Congress also incorporated by reference
Type III Federal election activity as a limit on the exemptions that
the Commission may make from the definition of ``electioneering
communication.'' See 2 U.S.C. 434(f)(3)(B)(iv); see also 2 U.S.C.
431(20)(A)(iii). Congress did not define PASO or any of its component
terms.
Accordingly, the Commission incorporated PASO in its regulations
defining ``Federal election activity,'' and in the soft money rules
governing State and local party committee communications and the
allocation of funds for these communications. See 11
[[Page 53898]]
CFR 100.24(b)(3) and (c)(1); 11 CFR 300.33(c), 300.71, 300.72. The
Commission also incorporated PASO as a limit to the exemption for State
and local candidates from the definition of ``electioneering
communication,'' and as a limit to the safe harbors from the
coordinated communications rules for endorsements and solicitations.
See 11 CFR 100.29(c)(5) and 109.21(g). To date, the Commission has not
adopted a regulatory definition of either PASO or any of its component
terms.
The Supreme Court in McConnell upheld the statutory PASO standard
in the context of BCRA's provisions limiting party committees' Federal
election activities to Federal funds, noting that ``any public
communication that promotes or attacks a clearly identified Federal
candidate directly affects the election in which he is participating.''
McConnell, 540 U.S. at 170. The Court further found that Type III
Federal election activity was not unconstitutionally vague because the
``words `promote,' `oppose,' `attack,' and `support' clearly set forth
the confines within which potential party speakers must act in order to
avoid triggering the provision.'' Id. at 170 n.64. The Court stated
that the PASO words `` `provide explicit standards for those who apply
them' and `give the person of ordinary intelligence a reasonable
opportunity to know what is prohibited.' '' Id. (quoting Grayned v.
City of Rockford, 408 U.S. 104, 108-09 (1972)). The Court stated that
this is ``particularly the case'' with regard to Federal election
activity, ``since actions taken by political parties are presumed to be
in connection with election campaigns.'' Id.
The Commission seeks comment on whether the Supreme Court's
statement that the ``words `promote,' `oppose,' `attack,' and `support'
clearly set forth the confines within which potential party speakers
must act'' applies (1) only to party committees, or also to other
speakers; and (2) only to Federal election activity, or also in other
contexts. After McConnell, is any rule defining PASO, or its component
terms, necessary? Would a regulatory definition nonetheless be helpful
in providing guidance and explicit standards whereby persons would know
which communications are intended to be covered and which ones are not?
Additionally, does the Court's decision in Wisconsin Right to Life
have any effect on the scope of the definition of PASO? After Wisconsin
Right to Life, is it permissible for the Commission to regulate any
speech, whether independent or not, that does not fall within either
the Court's definition of ``express advocacy'' or its definition of the
``functional equivalent of express advocacy''? Is the decision in
Wisconsin Right to Life applicable in the coordinated communications
context, since the Court's decision was confined to independent
electioneering communications?
2. Content Standard
The court in Shays III Appeal held that the Commission ``must
demonstrate that the standard it selects `rationally separates
election-related advocacy from other activity falling outside FECA's
expenditure definition.' '' Shays III Appeal, 528 F.3d at 926 (quoting
Shays I Appeal, 414 F.3d at 102). The Commission seeks comment,
consistent with the decision in Shays III Appeal, on whether use of the
PASO standard, which would replace, but incorporate, the express
advocacy standard, and whether alone or in conjunction with a
definition of PASO, would rationally separate election-related advocacy
from other communications falling outside the Act's expenditure
definition.
The Commission also seeks comment on whether the PASO standard,
either alone, or in conjunction with a definition of PASO, could
potentially encompass public communications that are not made for the
purpose of influencing a Federal election. If so, should the PASO
standard be limited by, for example, requiring that the communication
be disseminated in the jurisdiction in which the clearly identified
candidate seeks election, or in some other way? See, e.g., Alternative
B at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b)(4). Alternatively, could communications
disseminated outside the jurisdiction in which the clearly identified
candidate seeks election still be made for the purpose of influencing
the election, such as by soliciting funds for the election or
generating other communications that will be directed to the
jurisdiction? One such example would be a communication distributed
outside Ohio that states: ``Write your friends in Ohio and urge them to
support/oppose candidate X.''
Conversely, the Commission seeks comment on whether limiting the
PASO standard could potentially exclude public communications that are
made for the purpose of influencing a Federal election provided that
the payment and conduct prongs of the coordinated communication
regulation are also satisfied. Would limiting the PASO standard fail to
address the court's concern in Shays III Appeal that the Commission
rationally separate election-related advocacy from other communications
falling outside the Act's expenditure definition?
3. PASO Definitions
As part of its consideration of a PASO content standard, the
Commission is also considering whether it should adopt a definition of
PASO. This NPRM sets forth two possible approaches to defining PASO. In
brief, the proposed PASO definition in Alternative A provides a
specific definition for each of the component terms, which applies when
any of those terms is used in conjunction with one or more of the other
terms. See Alternative A at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b). The proposed
PASO definition in Alternative B utilizes a multi-prong test to
determine whether a given communication PASOs. See Alternative B at
proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b). The Commission seeks public comment on the
proposed alternative definitions at 11 CFR 100.23. In light of the
Supreme Court's conclusion in McConnell, as discussed above, that the
component terms of the PASO standard ``provide explicit standards for
those who apply them and `give the person of ordinary intelligence a
reasonable opportunity to know what is prohibited,' '' McConnell, 540
U.S. at 170 n.64, the Commission seeks comment on whether any
regulatory definition is necessary or whether such a definition would
be confusing.
a. Proposed Applicability
The proposed PASO definitions differ in their applicability.
Proposed Alternative A would apply to those instances in the Commission
regulations in which two or more of the four component PASO words are
used together. See Alternative A at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(a). Proposed
Alternative B would apply to those instances in the Commission
regulations in which all four of the component PASO words are used
together. See Alternative B at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(a). The
Commission seeks comment on whether the proposed applicability of
either alternative is underinclusive or overinclusive.
The Act articulates the PASO concept by using the following
phraseology: ``promotes or supports a candidate for that office, or
attacks or opposes a candidate for that office.'' 2 U.S.C.
431(20)(A)(iii) (definition of ``Federal election activity'');
434(f)(3)(A)(ii) (backup definition of ``electioneering
communication''). The Commission has adopted several similar, though
not identical, phrases throughout its regulations. Some of the
regulations group the four words in two disjunctive groups of two
(e.g., promote or support,
[[Page 53899]]
or attack or oppose) \14\ and some of the regulations group the words
in one disjunctive group of four (e.g., promote, support, attack, or
oppose).\15\
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\14\ See, e.g., 11 CFR 100.24(b)(3) (definition of Federal
election activity) (``promotes or supports, or attacks or opposes
any candidate for Federal office''), 100.24(c)(1) (exception from
definition of Federal election activity) (``promote or support, or
attack or oppose a clearly identified candidate for Federal
office''), and 300.71 (Federal funds for certain public
communications) (``promotes or supports any candidate for that
Federal office, or attacks or opposes any candidate for that Federal
office'').
\15\ See, e.g., 11 CFR 100.29(c)(5) (electioneering
communications) (``promote, support, attack, or oppose''), 109.21(g)
(coordinated communications safe harbor) (``promotes, supports,
attacks, or opposes''), 300.33 (allocation of Federal election
activity) (``promote, support, attack, or oppose''), and 300.72
(Federal funds not required for certain public communications)
(``promote, support, attack, or oppose'').
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Additionally, the words ``promote,'' ``support,'' and ``oppose''
appear throughout the Act and Commission regulations often in other
contexts unrelated to communications that PASO and unrelated to any
electoral context. For example, the word ``support'' is used
individually throughout the Act and Commission regulations in the
context of technical, administrative, or financial support or
``supporting documentation.'' \16\ The word ``support'' is also used
individually in Commission regulations with respect to political
committees and individuals that support candidates financially or in
other, non-communicative, ways.\17\ The word ``opposed'' is used
individually in the Commission's definition of ``election.'' See 11 CFR
100.2(a) (definition of ``election'' includes ``opposed'' and
``unopposed'' individuals).
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\16\ See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 442 (technical support); 11 CFR
110.14(j)(2)(viii) (administrative support); see also 11 CFR
200.3(a)(1) (comments ``in support of or opposition to'' Commission
Federal Register publication).
\17\ See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 434(a)(10) (reporting requirements for
committees supporting vice presidential candidates), (f)(3)(B)(iii)
(communications which promote debates or forums); 11 CFR
110.2(l)(1)(iii)(A) (the use of polling to determine the support
level for a candidate), and 9008.50 (promotion of convention city by
national convention committee).
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The words are also used in combinations of less than four in some
contexts that may be closer to that contemplated by the Commission in
proposing the PASO definition. For example, many of the reporting
requirements in the Act and Commission regulations concern
communications that support or oppose clearly identified
candidates.\18\ Also, several provisions in the Act and Commission
regulations treat certain communications or disbursements differently
on the basis of whether they support, promote, or oppose
candidates.\19\
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\18\ See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 434(b)(6)(B), (c)(2)(A) (reporting of
expenditures); 11 CFR 104.4(b)(2), (c) and (e) (reporting
independent expenditures).
\19\ See, e.g., 2 U.S.C. 431(21) (``generic campaign activity''
defined as ``promotes a political party'' but not a candidate); 11
CFR 100.25 (``generic campaign activity''), 100.57 (solicitations to
support or oppose a candidate), 114.9(a)(1) and (b)(1) (use of
corporate or labor organization facilities).
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Given the many uses of the words ``promote,'' ``support,'' and
``oppose'' throughout the Act and Commission regulations, the
Commission seeks comment on whether the PASO definition should apply
only when at least two of the four PASO component words appear together
(as in Alternative A). Should the PASO definition apply instead only
when all four PASO component words appear together (as in Alternative
B)? Or, should the PASO definition apply wherever any one of the four
PASO component words appears in the Commission's regulations? Are there
particular rules that use only one or two of the four PASO words--such
as the expenditure reporting rules\20\--to which the proposed
definitions should or should not apply? Should the proposed PASO
definition apply to the definition of ``generic campaign activity'' in
11 CFR 100.25 because section 100.25 implements BCRA? Finally, the
Commission seeks comment on whether it should limit the applicability
of the proposed definitions of PASO to only coordinated communications.
Such an approach could result in divergent meanings of PASO in
coordination and other contexts, such as Federal election activity or
electioneering communications. Would this create confusion?
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\20\ See, e.g., 11 CFR 104.3(b)(3)(vii)(B), 104.4(b)(2), (c) and
(e); 11 CFR 104.5(g)(3), 104.6(c)(4), 109.10(e)(1)(iv).
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In addition, the Commission seeks comment on whether, in the
absence of the proposed guidance above, it would be clear from a
particular regulation's use of ``promote,'' ``support,'' ``attack,''
and ``oppose'' alone, that the PASO definitions would apply based on
whether the word is used in an electoral context.
b. Proposed Dictionary Definitions
Consistent with the Supreme Court's statement concerning PASO in
McConnell, both proposed PASO definitions would construe the words
``promote,'' ``support,'' ``attack,'' and ``oppose'' according to the
words' commonly understood meaning applicable to the election context.
The proposed PASO definitions do, however, differ in some of the
particulars. Proposed Alternative A would define each of the four
component PASO words separately according to dictionary definitions.
Proposed Alternative B would not define any of the four PASO words, but
does provide that a communication PASOs if it unambiguously performs
one of several actions described in the dictionary definitions of the
component words.
Dictionary definitions of the word ``promote'' include ``to help or
encourage to exist or flourish; further; to advance in rank, dignity,
position, etc.'' and ``to encourage the sales, acceptance, etc. of (a
product), esp. through advertising or publicity.'' Webster's Unabridged
Dictionary 1548 (Random House 2nd ed. 2005) (``Webster's Dictionary'');
see also American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language 1095 (4th
ed. 2006) (``American Heritage'') (defining ``promote'' as ``to
advance; further; to help''). The dictionary also identifies ``support
* * * elevate, raise, exalt'' as synonyms of ``promote.'' Webster's
Dictionary at 1548.
Dictionary definitions of the word ``support'' include ``to uphold
(a person, cause, policy, etc.) by aid, countenance, one's vote, etc.''
and ``to * * * advocate (a theory, principle, etc.).'' Webster's
Dictionary at 1913; see also American Heritage Dictionary at 1364
(defining ``support'' as ``to aid; to argue in favor of; advocate'').
Dictionary definitions of the word ``attack'' include ``to blame;
to direct unfavorable criticism against; criticize severely; argue with
strongly.'' Webster's Dictionary at 133; see also American Heritage
Dictionary at 88 (defining ``attack'' as ``to criticize strongly or in
a hostile manner'').
Dictionary definitions of the word ``oppose'' include ``to act
against or provide resistance to; to stand in the way of; hinder;
obstruct; to set as an opponent or adversary; to be hostile or adverse
to, as in opinion.'' Webster's Dictionary at 1359.
Based on these definitions, proposed Alternative A defines
``promote'' as ``to help, encourage, further, or advance.'' It defines
``support'' as ``to uphold, aid, or advocate.'' ``Attack'' is defined
to mean ``to argue with, blame or criticize.'' ``Oppose'' is defined as
``to act against, hinder, obstruct, be hostile or adverse to.'' See
proposed Alternative A at 11 CFR 100.23(a). Based on these definitions,
proposed Alternative B requires that a communication only PASOs if it
``helps, encourages, advocates for, praises, furthers, argues with,
sets as an adversary, is hostile or
[[Page 53900]]
adverse to, or criticizes.'' See proposed Alternative B at 11 CFR
100.23(b)(2).
The Commission seeks comment on whether defining each of the
component terms individually, as in Alternative A, or a single
definition for PASO, as in Alternative B, provides the clearest
guidance. Alternatively, would a definition that combines some, but not
all, of the terms (such as ``promote or support'' or ``attack or
oppose'') be preferable?
c. Relationship Between PASO and Express Advocacy
In addition to these dictionary definitions, both proposed PASO
definitions would state that all communications that expressly advocate
the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate also PASO that
candidate. See Alternative A at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b) and
Alternative B at proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b)(2). The Commission seeks
comment on whether this recognition that all communications that
expressly advocate will PASO--that is, that express advocacy is a
subset of PASO--provides useful guidance. Additionally, the Commission
seeks comment on whether both proposed PASO definitions apply to a
broader range of communications than the express advocacy standard as
intended.
d. Scope of Proposed PASO Definitions
Under Alternative A, the PASO definition would not require any
reference to the fact that an individual is a Federal candidate or any
reference to a political party. The definition in Alternative B would
require an ``explicit'' reference to either a clearly identified
Federal candidate or a political party. See proposed Alternative B at
100.23(b)(1)(ii). Additionally, Alternative B requires the unambiguous
PASOing of a candidate or party in addition to a clear nexus between
that candidate or party and an upcoming election or candidacy.
For PASO with respect to candidates, Alternative B's definition of
``clearly identified'' incorporates by reference the definition in 11
CFR 100.17 of the same term; with respect to parties, the definition is
adapted from 11 CFR 100.17. The Commission invites comment on whether a
reference to a clearly identified candidate or party is necessary or
appropriate. Alternatively, would a limited application of the proposed
PASO definition--i.e., to apply it only to those communications that
constitute Federal election activity, to communications coordinated
with candidates or parties, and as a limit to the exemptions from the
definition of ``electioneering communication''--suffice in lieu of a
``refers to'' criterion? The Commission seeks comment on whether either
Alternative A or Alternative B is too broad or too narrow in this
respect.
Conversely, not all communications that refer to a clearly
identified Federal candidate necessarily PASO that candidate. The
Commission has concluded that a particular proposed endorsement did not
PASO the endorser. See Advisory Opinion 2003-25 (Weinzapfel) (the
proposed communication--a television advertisement in which Senator
Bayh would identify himself and endorse Jonathan Weinzapfel, a
candidate for State office--did not PASO Senator Bayh).\21\ Both
alternatives are intended to reflect the principle in the Weinzapfel AO
that a communication in which a Federal candidate endorses another
candidate does not, by itself, PASO the endorser. Both alternatives are
also intended to reflect the idea--in BCRA's legislative history and in
the Commission's prior analysis of PASO--that identification of a
candidate does not automatically PASO that candidate. Should the
Commission revise the proposed definitions to better reflect these
principles?
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\21\ ``The mere identification of an individual who is a Federal
candidate does not automatically promote, support, attack, or oppose
that candidate.'' 148 Cong. Rec. S2143 (daily ed. Mar. 20, 2002)
(statement of Sen. Feingold) (quoted in 2006 E&J, 71 FR at 33202)
(PASO exception to the coordinated communications solicitation and
endorsement safe harbor).
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Alternative A, in proposed 11 CFR 100.23(b), also is intended to
recognize that many types of communications may PASO, even if, on their
face, they also serve another function. For example, the proposed
inclusion of ``in whole or in part'' is intended to incorporate the
Commission's previous analysis that communications may promote both a
business or organization and a candidate. Additionally, this proposed
paragraph is consistent with the Commission's previous analysis that a
communication may have dual purposes. See Explanation and Justification
for Final Rules on Electioneering Communications, 70 FR 75713, 75714
(Dec. 21, 2005). Proposed paragraph 100.23(b) in Alternative A would
define PASO so that a communication may PASO a candidate not as a
candidate per se, but in another capacity such as a prominent
individual, legislator, or public official.
The Commission seeks comment on whether Alternative A--in which the
PASO component of a communication may be only one part of the
communication and in which the communication may not have an explicit
electoral nexus--is consistent with the Supreme Court's decisions in
Buckley, McConnell, and Wisconsin Right to Life. Should Alternative A
be explicitly limited to apply only to those communications that
constitute Federal election activity, to communications coordinated
with candidates or parties, and as a limit to the exemptions from the
definition of ``electioneering communication''? Alternatively, or
additionally, should Alternative A define PASO to include fewer
communications, such as by requiring that, in the absence of an
explicit electoral nexus, the communication must PASO the candidate's
character, qualifications, or fitness for office? See, e.g., Wis. Right
to Life, 551 U.S. at 470; 11 CFR 114.15(b)(2), (c)(1)(ii) (referring to
character, qualifications, or fitness for office as indicia of express
advocacy). Conversely, the Commission seeks comment on whether
Alternative A should define PASO to include more communications and, if
so, how.
Alternative B is intended to exclude communications directed only
at legislation or some other cause by requiring PASO to be directed
unambiguously at a candidate or party. Additionally, Alternative B's
clear nexus criterion is intended to exclude communications that merely
refer to an individual who may be a candidate for Federal office. For
example, Alternative B is intended to exclude an advertisement that
merely discusses a Senator's position on a legislative issue and
promotes that position, but does not discuss the Senator's candidacy
for reelection. Does Alternative B exclude more than mere references to
individuals who are candidates for office or discussions of a
candidate's position on legislative issues?
The Commission seeks comment on whether proposed Alternative B's
requirement that a communication have a ``clear nexus'' to an upcoming
Federal election or to a candidacy for such election is appropriate. In
Buckley, the Court explained that its narrowing construction of the
Act's disclosure provisions would ensure that reporting of independent
expenditures by persons other than candidates or political committees
would ``shed the light of publicity on spending that is unambiguously
campaign related.'' Buckley, 424 U.S. at 81. Is the phrase
``unambiguously campaign related'' relevant or appropriate in the
context of coordinated communications? Does the proposed ``clear
nexus'' criterion properly capture or implement the Act's definition of
a contribution, which
[[Page 53901]]
includes anything of value given ``for the purpose of influencing any
election for Federal office''? When used in this context, do the terms
``unambiguous'' and ``clear nexus'' provide sufficiently clear
guidance?
Commonly, during an election season, ads are run that compare
opposing candidates' records or positions on legislative issues without
mentioning their candidacies or an election. For instance, the ``Willie
Horton'' ad, referenced below, is an example of this type of
communication. Would ads like these be encompassed by either
Alternative A or B? Should they be?
In short, do the proposed ``unambiguous'' and ``clear nexus''
criteria properly capture or implement the Act's definition of a
contribution? Conversely, do these requirements overly narrow the scope
of the PASO definition?
e. Verbal or Pictorial Means
Alternative B contains the additional requirement that the element
of the communication that unambiguously PASOs be done through verbal
(whether by visual text or audio speech) or pictorial (whether
depictions of party officials, candidates, or their respective logos)
means, or a combination of the two. Alternative B further provides that
``photographic or videographic alterations, facial expressions, body
language, poses, or similar features'' may not be considered in
determining whether the communication PASOs. In contrast, Alternative A
would not restrict the manner in which a communication PASOs a
candidat