United States v. UnitedHealth Group Incorporated; Response to Public Comments on the Proposed Final Judgment, 49834-49894 [E8-17366]
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DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
Antitrust Division
United States v. UnitedHealth Group
Incorporated; Response to Public
Comments on the Proposed Final
Judgment
Pursuant to the Antitrust Procedures
and Penalties Act, 15 U.S.C. 16(b)–(h),
the United States hereby publishes the
public comments received on the
proposed Final Judgment in United
States v. UnitedHealth Group
Incorporated, Civil Action No. 1:08–cv–
322, and the response to the comments.
On February 25, 2008, the United States
filed a Complaint alleging that the
merger of UnitedHealth Group
Incorporated (‘‘United’’) and Sierra
Health Services, Inc. (‘‘Sierra’’) violated
Section 7 of the Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C.
18. The proposed Final Judgment, filed
on February 25, 2008, requires the
combined company to divest United’s
individual Medicare Advantage line of
business in the Las Vegas, Nevada area.
Public comment was invited within the
statutory 60-day comment period.
Copies of the Complaint, proposed Final
Judgment, Competitive Impact
Statement, Public Comments, the
United States’ Response to the
Comments, and other papers are
currently available for inspection in
Department of Justice, Antitrust
Division, Antitrust Documents Group,
450 5th Street, NW., Suite 1010,
Washington, DC 20530, telephone: (202)
514–2481 and the Office of the Clerk of
the United States District Court for the
District of Columbia, 333 Constitution
Avenue, NW., Washington, DC 20001.
Copies of any of these materials may
be obtained upon request and payment
of a copying fee.
Patricia A. Brink,
Deputy Director of Operations, Antitrust
Division.
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In the matter of: United States District
Court for the District of Columbia; United
States of America, Plaintiff, v. UnitedHealth
Group Incorporated and Sierra Health
Services, Inc., Defendants.
[Case No. 1:08–cv–322–ESH]
Response of Plaintiff United States to
Public Comments
Pursuant to the requirements of the
Antitrust Procedures and Penalties Act
(‘‘APPA’’ or ‘‘Tunney Act’’), 15 U.S.C.
16(b)–(h), the United States hereby files
the four public comments that the
United States received concerning the
proposed Final Judgment in this case
and the United States’ response to those
comments. The United States will move
the Court for entry of the proposed Final
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Judgment after the comments and this
Response have been published in the
Federal Register, pursuant to 15 U.S.C.
16(d).
On February 25, 2008, the United
States filed the Complaint in this matter
alleging that the proposed merger of
UnitedHealth Group Incorporated
(‘‘United’’) and Sierra Health Services,
Inc. (‘‘Sierra’’) would violate Section 7
of the Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C. 18.
Simultaneously with the filing of the
Complaint, the United States filed a
proposed Final Judgment and a Hold
Separate and Asset Preservation
Stipulation and Order (‘‘Stipulation’’)
signed by the United States and
Defendants consenting to the entry of
the proposed Final Judgment after
compliance with the requirements of the
Tunney Act.1 Pursuant to those
requirements, the United States filed a
Competitive Impact Statement (‘‘CIS’’)
in this Court on February 25, 2008;
published the proposed Final Judgment
and CIS in the Federal Register on
March 10, 2008, see 73 FR 12762 (2008);
and published summaries of the terms
of the proposed Final Judgment and CIS,
together with directions for the
submission of written comments
relating to the proposed Final Judgment,
in the Washington Post for seven days
beginning on March 16, 2008 and
ending on March 22, 2008, and in the
Las Vegas Review-Journal for seven days
beginning on March 8, 2008 and ending
on March 14, 2008. The 60-day period
for public comments ended on May 15,
2008, and the United States received the
four comments described below and
attached hereto.
I. The United States’ Investigation and
the Proposed Final Judgment
On March 11, 2007, United and Sierra
entered into an agreement, whereby
United agreed to acquire all outstanding
shares of Sierra. Over the next eleven
months, the United States Department
of Justice (the ‘‘Department’’) conducted
an extensive, detailed investigation into
the competitive effects of the proposed
transaction. As part of this investigation,
the Department obtained substantial
documents and information from the
merging parties and issued numerous
1 The merger closed on February 25, 2008. In
keeping with the United States’ standard practice,
neither the Stipulation nor the proposed Final
Judgment prohibited closing the merger. See ABA
Section of Antitrust Law, Antitrust Law
Developments 406 (6th ed. 2007) (noting that ‘‘[t]he
Federal Trade Commission (as well as the
Department of Justice) generally will permit the
underlying transaction to close during the notice
and comment period’’). Such a prohibition could
interfere with many time-sensitive deals and
prevent or delay the realization of substantial
efficiencies.
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Civil Investigative Demands to third
parties. In response, the Department
received and considered more than 2.5
million pages of material. The
Department conducted approximately
150 interviews with customers,
hospitals and physician groups,
insurance companies, and other
individuals with knowledge of the
industry.
After conducting a detailed analysis
of the acquisition, the Department
concluded that the combination of
United and Sierra likely would
substantially lessen competition in the
Las Vegas, Nevada area (consisting of
Clark and Nye Counties, Nevada) in a
product market no broader than the sale
of Medicare Advantage health-insurance
plans to senior citizens and other
Medicare-eligible individuals. As
defined by federal law, Medicare
Advantage plans consist of Medicare
Advantage health maintenance
organization plans (‘‘MA–HMO’’),
Medicare Advantage preferred provider
organization plans (‘‘MA–PPO’’), and
Medicare Advantage private fee-forservice plans (‘‘MA–PFFS’’). See 42
U.S.C. 1395w–21(a)(2). United and
Sierra together would have accounted
for approximately 94 percent of the total
enrollment in Medicare Advantage
plans in the Las Vegas area, which
accounts for approximately $840
million in annual commerce. United
markets and sells its Medicare
Advantage products under the Secure
Horizons and AARP brands. Sierra
markets and sells its Medicare
Advantage products under the Senior
Dimensions, Sierra Spectrum, Sierra
Nevada Spectrum, and Sierra Optima
Select brands.
As more fully explained in the CIS,
the Stipulation and proposed Final
Judgment in this case are designed to
preserve competition in the sale of
Medicare Advantage health-insurance
plans in the Las Vegas area by requiring
United to divest its individual Medicare
Advantage line of business in the Las
Vegas area. The Stipulation and
proposed Final Judgment also require
United to take several steps to assist the
acquirer in providing prompt and
effective competition in the Medicare
Advantage market, including assisting
the acquirer to enter into agreements
that will allow members of United’s
Medicare Advantage plans to have
continued access to substantially all of
United’s provider network of
physicians, hospitals, ancillary service
providers, and other health care
providers on terms no less favorable
than United’s existing agreements.
United must also provide transition
support services for medical-claims
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processing, appeals and grievances, callcenter support, enrollment and
eligibility services, access to form
templates, pharmacy services, disease
management, Medicare risk-adjustment
services, quality-assurance services, and
such other services as are reasonably
necessary for the acquirer to operate the
Divestiture Assets.
On February 25, 2008, United and
Humana Health Plan Inc. (‘‘Humana’’)
signed an agreement providing for
Humana to purchase United’s Las Vegas
Medicare Advantage line of business for
approximately $185 million. After
receiving approval from the Centers for
Medicare and Medicaid Services
(‘‘CMS’’) and the Nevada Division of
Insurance, Humana completed the
acquisition of United’s Las Vegas
Medicare Advantage line of business on
May 1, 2008. In the Department’s
judgment, the divestiture of United’s
Las Vegas Medicare Advantage line of
business to Humana, along with the
other requirements contained in the
Stipulation and proposed Final
Judgment, are sufficient to eliminate the
anticompetitive effects identified in the
Complaint.
II. Standard of Judicial Review
Upon the publication of the Comment
and this Response, the United States
will have fully complied with the
Tunney Act and will move for entry of
the proposed Final Judgment as being
‘‘in the public interest’’ 15 U.S.C.
16(e)(l), as amended.
The Tunney Act states that, in making
that determination, the Court shall
consider:
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(A) the competitive impact of such
judgment, including termination of alleged
violations, provisions for enforcement and
modification, duration of relief sought,
anticipated effects of alternative remedies
actually considered, whether its terms are
ambiguous, and any other competitive
considerations bearing upon the adequacy of
such judgment that the court deems
necessary to a determination of whether the
consent judgment is in the public interest;
and
(B) the impact of entry of such judgment
upon competition in the relevant market or
markets, upon the public generally and
individuals alleging specific injury from the
violations set forth in the complaint
including consideration of the public benefit,
if any, to be derived from a determination of
the issues at trial.
15 U.S.C. 16(e)(1)(A)–(B); see generally
United States v. AT&T Inc., 541 F.
Supp. 2d 2, 6 n.3 (D.D.C. 2008) (listing
factors that the Court must consider
when making the public-interest
determination); United States v. SBC
Commc’ns, Inc., 489 F. Supp. 2d 1, 11
(D.D.C. 2007) (concluding that the 2004
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amendments to the Tunney Act
‘‘effected minimal changes’’ to scope of
review under the Tunney Act, leaving
review ‘‘sharply proscribed by
precedent and the nature of Tunney Act
proceedings’’).2
As the United States Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit has
held, under the APPA, a court
considers, among other things, the
relationship between the remedy
secured and the specific allegations set
forth in the government’s complaint,
whether the decree is sufficiently clear,
whether enforcement mechanisms are
sufficient, and whether the decree may
positively harm third parties. See
United States v. Microsoft Corp., 56 F.3d
1448, 1458–62 (D.C. Cir. 1995). With
respect to the adequacy of the relief
secured by the decree, a court may not
‘‘engage in an unrestricted evaluation of
what relief would best serve the
public.’’ United States v. BNS, Inc., 858
F.2d 456, 462 (9th Cir. 1988) (citing
United States v. Bechtel Corp., 648 F.2d
660, 666 (9th Cir. 1981)); see also
Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1460–62. Courts
have held that:
[t]he balancing of competing social and
political interests affected by a proposed
antitrust consent decree must be left, in the
first instance, to the discretion of the
Attorney General. The court’s role in
protecting the public interest is one of
insuring that the government has not
breached its duty to the public in consenting
to the decree. The court is required to
determine not whether a particular decree is
the one that will best serve society, but
whether the settlement is ‘‘within the reaches
of the public interest.’’ More elaborate
requirements might undermine the
effectiveness of antitrust enforcement by
consent decree.
Bechtel, 648 F.2d at 666 (emphasis
added) (citations omitted). Cf. BNS, 858
F.2d at 464 (holding that the court’s
‘‘ultimate authority under the [APPA] is
limited to approving or disapproving
the consent decree’’); United States v.
Gillette Co., 406 F. Supp. 713, 716 (D.
Mass. 1975) (noting that, in this way,
the court is constrained to ‘‘look at the
overall picture not hypercritically, nor
with a microscope, but with an artist’s
reducing glass’’). See generally
Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1461 (discussing
whether ‘‘the remedies [obtained in the
decree are] so inconsonant with the
allegations charged as to fall outside of
the ‘reaches of the public interest’ ’’).
2 The 2004 amendments substituted ‘‘shall’’ for
‘‘may’’ in directing relevant factors for courts to
consider and amended the list of factors to focus on
competitive considerations and to address
potentially ambiguous judgment terms. Compare 15
U.S.C. § 16(e) (2004), with 15 U.S.C. § 16(e)(1)
(2006).
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The government is entitled to broad
discretion to settle with defendants
within the reaches of the public interest.
AT&T Inc., 541 F. Supp. 2d at 6. In
making its public-interest
determination, a district court ‘‘must
accord deference to the government’s
predictions about the efficacy of its
remedies, and may not require that the
remedies perfectly match the alleged
violations.’’ SBC Commc’ns, 489 F.
Supp. 2d at 17; see also Microsoft, 56
F.3d at 1461 (noting the need for courts
to be ‘‘deferential to the government’s
predictions as to the effect of the
proposed remedies’’); United States v.
Archer-Daniels-Midland Co., 272 F.
Supp. 2d 1, 6 (D.D.C. 2003) (noting that
the court should grant due respect to the
United States’ prediction as to the effect
of proposed remedies, its perception of
the market structure, and its views of
the nature of the case).
Court approval of a consent decree
requires a standard more flexible and
less strict than that appropriate to court
adoption of a litigated decree following
a finding of liability. ‘‘[A] proposed
decree must be approved even if it falls
short of the remedy the court would
impose on its own, as long as it falls
within the range of acceptability or is
‘within the reaches of public interest.’ ’’
United States v. Am. Tel. & Tel. Co., 552
F. Supp. 131, 151 (D.D.C. 1982)
(citations omitted) (quoting United
States v. Gillette Co., 406 F. Supp. 713,
716 (D. Mass. 1975)), aff’d sub nom.
Maryland v. United States, 460 U.S.
1001 (1983); see also United States v.
Alcan Aluminum Ltd., 605 F. Supp. 619,
622 (W.D. Ky. 1985) (approving the
consent decree even though the court
would have imposed a greater remedy).
To meet this standard, the United States
‘‘need only provide a factual basis for
concluding that the settlements are
reasonably adequate remedies for the
alleged harms.’’ SBC Commc’ns, 489 F.
Supp. 2d at 17.
Moreover, the Court’s role under the
APPA is limited to reviewing the
remedy in relationship to the violations
that the United States has alleged in its
complaint, rather than to ‘‘construct [its]
own hypothetical case and then
evaluate the decree against that case.’’
Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1459. Because the
‘‘court’s authority to review the decree
depends entirely on the government’s
exercising its prosecutorial discretion by
bringing a case in the first place,’’ it
follows that ‘‘the court is only
authorized to review the decree itself,’’
and not to ‘‘effectively redraft the
complaint’’ to inquire into other matters
that the United States did not pursue.
Id. at 1459–60. As this Court recently
confirmed in SBC Communications,
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courts ‘‘cannot look beyond the
complaint in making the public interest
determination unless the complaint is
drafted so narrowly as to make a
mockery of judicial power.’’ SBC
Commc’ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 15.
In its 2004 amendments to the
Tunney Act, Congress made clear its
intent to preserve the practical benefits
of utilizing consent decrees in antitrust
enforcement, adding the unambiguous
instruction that ‘‘[n]othing in this
section shall be construed to require the
court to conduct an evidentiary hearing
or to require the court to permit anyone
to intervene.’’ 15 U.S.C. 16(e)(2). The
amendments codified what Congress
intended when it passed the Tunney
Act in 1974, as Senator Tunney then
explained: ‘‘[t]he court is nowhere
compelled to go to trial or to engage in
extended proceedings which might have
the effect of vitiating the benefits of
prompt and less costly settlement
through the consent decree process.’’
119 Cong. Rec. 24,598 (1973) (statement
of Senator Tunney). Rather, the
procedure for the public-interest
determination is left to the discretion of
the court, with the recognition that the
court’s ‘‘scope of review remains
sharply proscribed by precedent and the
nature of Tunney Act proceedings.’’
SBC Commc’ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 11.3
III. Summary of Public Comments and
the United States’ Response
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During the 60-day comment period,
the United States received comments
from the Service Employees
International Union Local 1107 (the
‘‘SEIU comment’’), the American
Medical Association, Nevada State
Medical Association, and the Clark
County Medical Society (collectively,
the ‘‘AMA comment’’), the Honorable
Nydia M. Velazquez, Chairwoman,
United States House of Representatives
Committee on Small Business (the
‘‘Velazquez comment’’), and the
Honorable Chris Giunchigliani,
Commissioner, Board of
3 See United States v. Enova Corp., 107 F. Supp.
2d 10, 17 (D.D.C. 2000) (noting that the ‘‘Tunney
Act expressly allows the court to make its public
interest determination on the basis of the
competitive impact statement and response to
comments alone’’); United States v. Mid-Am.
Dairymen, Inc., 1977–1 Trade Cas. (CCH) ¶ 61,508,
at 71,980 (W.D. Mo. 1977) (‘‘Absent a showing of
corrupt failure of the government to discharge its
duty, the Court, in making its public interest
finding, should * * * carefully consider the
explanations of the government in the competitive
impact statement and its responses to comments in
order to determine whether those explanations are
reasonable under the circumstances.’’); S. Rep. No.
93–298, 93d Cong., 1st Sess., at 6 (1973) (‘‘Where
the public interest can be meaningfully evaluated
simply on the basis of briefs and oral arguments,
that is the approach that should be utilized.’’).
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Commissioners—Clark County, Nevada
(the ‘‘Giunchigliani comment’’). Those
comments are attached to this Response.
After reviewing the comments, the
United States has determined that the
proposed Final Judgment remains in the
public interest. The commenters raise
two main concerns: (A) that the United
States should have alleged and
remedied harm to competition in
additional product markets other than
the Medicare Advantage market alleged
in the United States’ Complaint and (B)
that the proposed Final Judgment does
not adequately remedy the harms to
competition alleged in the Complaint.
The United States addresses these
concerns below.
A. Comments That the United States
Should Have Alleged and Remedied
Additional Competitive Concerns
1. Summary of Comments
Each of the commenters argue that the
United States should have alleged and
remedied competitive concerns that are
not addressed in the Complaint in this
matter. They argue that the United
States should have pursued a case of
harm to competition in a commercial
health-insurance market in Clark
County, Nevada. (AMA comment at 12;
SEIU comment at 4; Velazquez comment
at 3; Giunchigliani comment at 1–2).
The commenters also express concern
that the United-Sierra merger will harm
competition in the sale of various types
of commercial health insurance, such as
the provision of HMO policies, HMO
and PPO policies, and the provision of
commercial insurance to employers
with 50 or fewer employees. (AMA
comment at 12; SEIU comment at 4;
Velazquez comment at 4; Giunchigliani
comment at 1).
The AMA and Velazquez also argue
that the United States should have
alleged that the transaction would harm
physicians and sought an appropriate
remedy. They maintain that the merged
company will control a sufficient share
of the purchases for physicians services
in Clark County such that the merged
company will be able to reduce
payments to physicians below
competitive levels. (AMA comment at 5;
Velazquez comment at 4). Similarly, the
SEIU argues that the merged company
will control a sufficient share of
purchases of hospital services such that
the merged company will be able
unilaterally to reduce reimbursement
rates to hospitals. (SEIU comment at 4).
The SEIU argues that such lower
reimbursement rates to hospitals will
result in higher patient-to-nurse ratios
and place patient safety and quality of
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care in jeopardy. (SEIU comment at 3–
4).
2. The United States’ Response
The comments that the United States
should have alleged harm to
competition for the sale of various types
of health insurance or for the purchase
of physician or hospital services, which
are not addressed in the Complaint, are
outside the scope of this APPA
proceeding. The Department’s decision
to allege a harm in a specific market is
based on a case-by-case analysis that
varies depending on the particular
circumstances of each product and
geographic market The Department
investigated the transaction’s potential
competitive effects on each of the types
of health insurance identified by the
commentators, and on the purchase of
physician and hospital services, and
concluded that it should not allege harm
in these markets. As explained by this
Court, in a Tunney Act proceeding, the
district court should not second-guess
the prosecutorial decisions of the
Department regarding the nature of the
claims brought in the first instance;
‘‘rather, the court is to compare the
complaint filed by the United States
with the proposed consent decree and
determine whether the proposed decree
clearly and effectively addresses the
[anticompetitive harms initially
identified.’’ United States v. Thomson
Corp., 949 F. Supp 907, 913 (D.D.C.
1996); accord, Microsoft, 56 F.3d at
1459 (in APPA proceeding, ‘‘district
court is not empowered to review the
actions or behavior of the Department of
Justice; the court is only authorized to
review the decree itself’’); BNS, 858
F.2d at 462–63 (‘‘the APPA does not
authorize a district court to base its
public interest determination on
antitrust concerns in markets other than
those alleged in the government’s
complaint’’). This court has held that ‘‘a
district court is not permitted to ‘‘reach
beyond the complaint to evaluate claims
that the government did not make and
to inquire as to why they were not
made.’ ’’ SBC Commc’ns, 489 F. Supp.
2d at 14 (quoting Microsoft, 56 F.3d at
1459) (emphasis in original). Nor does
the fact that the State of Nevada
obtained terms of settlement different
from those obtained by the United
States alter the ordinary Tunney Act
standard of review.
The AMA’s contention that the 2004
Amendments to the Tunney Act
overruled precedent in this court and
require a more extensive review of the
United States’ exercise of its
prosecutorial judgment conflicts with
this Court’s holding in SBC
Communications, supra. (AMA
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comment at 4). In SBC Communications,
this Court held that ‘‘a close reading of
the law demonstrates that the 2004
amendments effected minimal changes,
and that this Court’s scope of review
remains sharply proscribed by
precedent and the nature of [APPA]
proceedings.’’ SBC Commc’ns, 489 F.
Supp. 2d at 11. This Court continued
that because ‘‘review [under the 2004
amendments] is focused on the
‘judgment,’ it again appears that the
Court cannot go beyond the scope of the
complaint.’’ Id. The 2004 amendments
to the APPA, as interpreted and applied
by this Court in SBC Communications,
require the Court to evaluate the effect
of the ‘‘judgment upon competition’’ in
a Medicare Advantage market in the Las
Vegas area. 15 U.S.C.16(e)(1)(b). Because
the United States did not allege that the
United’s acquisition of Sierra would
cause harm in additional markets, it is
not appropriate for the Court to seek to
determine whether the acquisition will
cause anticompetitive harm in such
markets.
B. Comment That the Proposed Final
Judgment Does Not Adequately Address
the Harms to Competition Alleged in the
Complaint
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1. Summary of Comment
The AMA states that the remedies in
the proposed Final Judgment are
inadequate to maintain competition in
the sale of Medicare Advantage healthinsurance plans in the Las Vegas area.
(AMA comment at 13). The AMA argues
in its comment that the proposed Final
Judgment should include five additional
remedies: (1) A permanent injunction
on United’s use of ‘‘most-favorednations’’ clauses in healthcare-provider
contracts; (2) a permanent injunction on
United’s use of ‘‘all-products’’ clauses in
healthcare-provider contracts; (3) a
divestiture of United’s commercial
health-insurance business in Clark
County; (4) a requirement that United
convey the use of certain trademarks to
the acquirer of the Medicare Advantage
line of business for at least five years;
and (5) the immediate use of a
monitoring trustee to ensure compliance
with the proposed Final Judgment.
(AMA comment at 13–15).
2. The United States’ Response
The additional remedies proposed by
the AMA are not necessary to ensure
that competition will remain in the
market alleged in the Complaint. Rather,
the proposed Final Judgment is in the
public interest because it is properly
designed to eliminate the
anticompetitive effects alleged in the
Complaint. First, the proposed Final
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Judgment requires United to divest its
entire individual Medicare Advantage
line of business in the Las Vegas area to
an acquirer approved by the United
States and on terms acceptable to the
United States. This line of business
covers approximately 25,800 individual
Medicare Advantage beneficiaries. As
described in Section IV of the proposed
Final Judgment, United is required to
divest all tangible and intangible assets
dedicated to the administration,
operation, selling, and marketing of its
Medicare Advantage plans to
individuals in the Las Vegas area (‘‘the
Divestiture Assets’’), including all of
United’s rights and obligations under
the relevant United contracts with CMS.
Thus, the acquirer will have the benefit
of entering the Medicare Advantage
market with United’s entire individual
Medicare Advantage line of business.
Second, the Stipulation and Sections
IV(A) and (B) of the proposed Final
Judgment required United to divest the
Divestiture Assets within the shortest
time period reasonable under the
circumstances. A quick divestiture has
the benefits of maintaining competition
that would otherwise be lost in the
acquisition and reducing the possibility
of dissipation of the value of the assets
while the sale is pending. Per these
requirements, United divested the
Divestiture Assets to Humana on May 1,
2008.
Third, the divestiture eliminates the
anticompetitive effects of the merger by
requiring United to divest the
Divestiture Assets to an acquirer that
can compete vigorously with the merged
United-Sierra. The United States
approved Humana as the acquirer of the
Divestiture Assets because Humana is
well positioned to be a strong
competitor in the Medicare Advantage
market in the Las Vegas area. Humana
is an established health-insurance
competitor with total annual revenue of
$26 billion and a market capitalization
of $8.3 billion. Humana is the second
largest provider of Medicare Advantage
plans in the nation after United. The
company has 1.27 million Medicare
Advantage enrollees nationwide. In the
United States’ judgment, Humana has
the intent and capability (including the
necessary managerial, operational,
technical, and financial capability) to
compete effectively in the sale of
Medicare Advantage products, and the
asset purchase agreements between
United and Humana do not give United
the ability to interfere with Humana’s
ability to compete effectively.
Fourth, the proposed Final Judgment
requires Defendants to assist the
acquirer in providing prompt and
effective competition in the Medicare
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Advantage market and uninterrupted
care to subscribers of United’s Medicare
Advantage plans by mandating that the
Defendants adhere to the following
requirements:
• Section IV(F) requires the
Defendants to assist the acquirer to enter
into an agreement with HealthCare
Partners, LLC (‘‘HealthCare Partners’’)
that will allow members of United’s
Medicare Advantage plans to have
continued access to substantially all of
United’s provider network of
physicians, hospitals, ancillary service
providers, and other health care
providers on terms no less favorable
than United’s pre-existing agreement
with HealthCare Partners.
• Section IV(J) requires that, at the
acquirer’s option, and subject to
approval by the United States,
Defendants provide transition support
services for medical claims processing,
appeals and grievances, call-center
support, enrollment and eligibility
services, access to form templates,
pharmacy services, disease
management, Medicare risk-adjustment
services, quality-assurance services, and
such other transition services that are
reasonably necessary for the acquirer to
operate the Divestiture Assets.
• Section IV(G) of the proposed Final
Judgment prohibits United, until March
31, 2010, from entering into agreements
with healthcare providers who, prior to
the transaction, participated in United’s
Medicare Advantage network, but did
not participate in Sierra’s.
• Sections IV(F) and (G) collectively
ensure that Humana, but not the
Defendants, will have access to these
healthcare providers, which places
Humana in the same competitive
position with respect to the merged
company as United was in with respect
to Sierra prior to the merger of United
and Sierra.
• Section IV(H) prohibits United from
using the AARP brand for any of its
individual Medicare Advantage plans in
the Las Vegas area until March 31, 2009,
and from using the SecureHorizons
brands for any individual Medicare
Advantage plans in the Las Vegas area
until March 31, 2010. The Department
has determined that Section IV(H) will
give Humana sufficient time to establish
its own brand in the Las Vegas area so
that it can effectively compete for the
provision of Medicare Advantage plans
and reduce beneficiary confusion as to
which company operates the Medicare
Advantage plan in which the
beneficiary is enrolled.
In short, the United States has
determined that the remedies in the
proposed Final Judgment are sufficient
to allow Humana to be an effective
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competitor and maintain competition in
the Las Vegas Medicare Advantage
market. As the United States now
explains, the additional remedies that
the AMA suggests are not needed to
preserve the public interest.
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a. Most-Favored-Nations Clauses
The AMA states that the proposed
Final Judgment should permanently
enjoin United from using ‘‘mostfavored-nations’’ (‘‘MFN’’) clauses in its
contracts with healthcare-providers.
(AMA comment at 13). As explained in
the affidavit of Professor David Dranove,
submitted by the AMA, an MFN clause
would require a healthcare provider to
offer United rates no less favorable than
those offered to other insurers. (AMA
comment, Attachment A at 8.) MFNs
may be anticompetitive or
procompetitive, depending on the
circumstances. Federal Trade Comm’n &
U.S. Dept. of Justice, Improving Health
Care: A Dose of Competition (Jul. 2004),
ch. 6, p. 20, available at https://
www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/health_care/
204694.htm. MFN clauses may harm
competition by, for example,
discouraging healthcare providers from
aggressively discounting to competing
insurers who might be seeking to enter
or expand in a market. Id.
It is not necessary to prohibit United
from using MFN clauses to ensure that
Humana can compete and maintain the
premerger level of competition in
Medicare Advantage plans. Pursuant to
Section IV(F) of the proposed Final
Judgment, on February 29, 2008,
Humana entered into an agreement that
gives Humana access to United’s
existing provider network of physicians,
hospitals, ancillary service providers,
and other healthcare providers on
comparable terms to those enjoyed by
United at the time of the acquisition.
Accordingly, United could not use MFN
clauses to attempt to prevent Humana
from competing in the Medicare
Advantage market. Of course, the
United States remains free to challenge
arty anticompetitive conduct of United,
including MFN clauses, that the United
States determines harm competition.
b. All-products Clauses
The AMA states that the proposed
Final Judgment should permanently
enjoin United’s use of ‘‘all-products’’
clauses in healthcare-provider contracts.
(AMA comment at 13.) An all products
clause is a contractual provision that
requires a physician or other healthcare
provider to agree to participate in the
networks for every one of a healthinsurance company’s products (e.g.,
commercial health insurance and
Medicare Advantage) as a condition for
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participating in the network of any one
of that health-insurance company’s
products.
The AMA does not make clear how a
prohibition on United’s use of allproducts clauses would help maintain
competition in a Medicare Advantage
market. (AMA comment at 13.) The
AMA comment refers to the affidavit of
Professor David Dranove, submitted by
the AMA, for an explanation of how allproducts clauses can be anticompetitive.
(AMA comment, Attachment A at 8.)
Although Professor Dranove states in his
affidavit that the proposed Final
Judgment should prohibit all-products
clauses to remedy harm in a market for
the purchase of physician services, the
Complaint did not allege or identify
competitive harm in such a market.
(Attachment A at 8.) To the extent that
the AMA advocates a prohibition on allproducts clauses to remedy harm in a
market for the purchase of physician
services, such remedies are outside the
scope of this APPA proceeding as
discussed in Section III.A. of this
Response.
c. United’s Commercial Healthinsurance Business in Clark County
The AMA argues that the proposed
Final Judgment should require United to
divest its commercial health-insurance
business in the Las Vegas area in
addition to United’s Medicare
Advantage line of business because a
Medicare Advantage business operating
without a commercial component ‘‘faces
a significant risk of failure.’’ (AMA
comment at 13.) The AMA asserts that
‘‘[t]here are significant economies of
scope and scale that exist when both
commercial and Medicare Advantage
businesses are combined’’ Id. The AMA,
however, does not identify what these
economies of scope and scale are nor
why their absence creates a risk of
failure.
The United States has considered this
issue and concluded that Humana has
the resources needed to effectively
compete for the provision of Medicare
Advantage plans in the Las Vegas area.
Further, even assuming that there are
benefits to providing both commercial
and Medicare Advantage products,
Section IV(F) of the proposed Final
Judgment addresses this concern by
ensuring that Humana has access to
United’s existing healthcare provider
network on terms no less favorable than
United’s premerger terms. That
provision and the other provisions of
the proposed Final Judgment ensure
that Humana will have a cost structure
similar to United’s premerger cost
structure and be an effective competitor
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that maintains competition in the Las
Vegas Medicare Advantage market.
d. Use of Certain Trademarks
The AMA argues that the acquirer of
the Divestiture Assets should have use
of certain United trademarks (AMA
comment at 13–14). Section IV(H) of the
proposed Final Judgment prohibits
United from using the AARP brand for
any of its individual Medicare
Advantage plans in the Las Vegas area
until March 31, 2009, and from using
the SecureHorizons brands for any
individual Medicare Advantage plans in
the Las Vegas area until March 31, 2010.
The AMA argues that the United States
should extend these provisions to last at
least five years because ‘‘trademarks are
of particular importance to continue to
secure customer loyalty.’’ (AMA
comment at 13–14.)
The AMA, however, does not provide
any facts to support its assertion that a
longer prohibition period on United’s
use of the AARP and SecurdHorizons
brands is necessary to allow Humana to
be an effective competitor and maintain
competition in the Las Vegas Medicare
Advantage market. In the United States’
judgment based on a review of the terms
for the sale of the Divestiture Assets, its
assessment of Humana’s capabilities,
and its investigation of the Las Vegas
Medicare Advantage market, the brand
prohibitions in the proposed Final
Judgment are reasonable in light of their
intended purpose—to give Humana time
to establish its own brand in the Las
Vegas area and reduce beneficiary
confusion as to which company
operates the plan in which the
beneficiary is enrolled. See SBC
Commc’ns, 489 F Supp. 2d at 17 (a
district court ‘‘must accord deference to
the government’s predictions about the
efficacy of its remedies’’).
e. Use of a Monitoring Trustee
The AMA argues that the proposed
Final Judgment should require the
immediate use of a monitoring trustee to
ensure United’s compliance with the
proposed Final Judgment (AMA
comment at 15). Section V of the
proposed Final Judgment allows the
United States, in its sole discretion and
subject to approval by the Court, to
appoint a monitoring trustee that would
have the power to monitor Defendants’
compliance with the terms of the
proposed Final Judgment. Section V(H)
of the proposed Final Judgment
provides that, if a monitoring trustee is
appointed, it shall serve until United
has divested the Divestiture Assets and
any agreements for transition support
services have expired.
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In the United States’ judgment, the
immediate use of a monitoring trustee is
not necessary to ensure United’s
compliance with the proposed Final
Judgment for at least three reasons.
First, United has already complied with
many of the provisions of the proposed
Final Judgment. United has completed
the divestiture of the Divestiture Assets
and assisted Humana in entering into an
agreement with HealthCare Partners that
gives Humana access to healthcare
providers on terms no less favorable
than United’s pre-existing agreement
with HealthCare Partners. In addition,
Humana and United have entered into
a transition services agreement as
contemplated by Section IV(J) of the
Final Judgment. Second, the United
States has reviewed the Humana-United
transition services agreement and
concluded that the agreement provides
Humana with contractual rights such
that a monitoring trustee is not currently
necessary to ensure United’s
compliance with the terms of that
agreement. Third, should United fail to
comply with the terms of the transition
support agreement, the United States
remains free to appoint a monitoring
trustee, subject to the Court’s approval.
IV. Conclusion
The issues raised in the four public
comments were among the many
considered during the United States’
extensive and thorough investigation.
The United States has determined that
the proposed Final Judgment as drafted
provides an effective and appropriate
remedy for the antitrust violations
alleged in the Complaint, and is
therefore in the public interest. The
United States will move this Court to
enter the proposed Final Judgment after
the comments and this response are
published in the Federal Register.
rwilkins on PROD1PC63 with NOTICES2
Dated: July 7, 2008.
Respectfully Submitted,
Peter J. Mucchetti (D.C. Bar # 463202),
Mitchell H. Glende,
Natalie A. Rosenfelt,
Trial Attorneys, Litigation I Section—
Antitrust Division, United States Department
of Justice; 1401 H Street NW, Suite 4000,
Washington, DC 20530,(202) 353–4211, (202)
307–5802 (facsimile).
In the matter of: In the United States
District Court for the District of Columbia;
United States of America, Plaintiff, v.
Unitedhealth Group Incorporated and Sierra
Health Services, Inc., Defendants.
Judge: Ellen S. Huvelle.
Filed: 2/25/2008
[Civil No. I:08–cv–00322]
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Tunney Act Comments of SEIU Local
1107 on the Proposed Remedy in
United Health Group Inc.’s Acquisition
of Sierra Health Services Inc.
The Service Employees International
Union (‘‘SEIU’’) Local 1107 provides
these comments on the proposed final
judgment in United Health Group Inc.’s
(‘‘United Health’’) acquisition of Sierra
Health Services Inc. (‘‘Sierra’’). As
described herein the SEIU believes the
proposed remedy in this matter is
inadequate and unlikely to prevent the
substantial anticompetitive effects
raised by the merger. As we explain
below, the proposed merger is likely to
reduce competition substantially in
numerous markets, including the
delivery of healthcare at hospitals. By
creating a dominant health insurer in
Clark County. Nevada, the merger will
enable UnitedHealthcare to
substantially lower reimbursements to
hospitals. which, as demonstrated
below, will ultimately harm patient
care. We believe this provided a
substantial basis for the Antitrust
Division, Department of Justice (‘‘DOJ’’)
to challenge the merger under Section 7
of the Clayton Act, and contend that
DOJ’s decision to enter into the consent
decree was in error. We respectfully
request that the proposed consent
decree is rejected and the Department of
Justice sue to enjoin the merger.
The SEIU is an organization of more
than 1.9 million members united by the
belief in the dignity and worth of
workers and the services they provide.
SEIU is the nation’s largest union of
health care workers representing over
900,000 caregivers and hospital
employees, including 110,000 nurses
and 40,000 doctors in public, private,
and non-profit medical institutions.
SEIU is dedicated to improving the lives
of all workers and their families. In
Nevada, SEIU Local 1107 represents
more than 17,000 registered nurses,
health care workers and public
employees dedicated to improving the
lives of workers, their families and their
communities. Our members have
chosen to dedicate their lives to serving
the public, and provide the first line of
health care service to thousands of
patients in hospitals in Nevada. In that
role we experience first hand how
health insurance consolidation can
harm consumers by restricting the
ability of all health care providers to
provide high quality health care.
Ultimately, when health insurers
acquire and exploit their power patients
and health care workers suffer.
The SEIU submits these comments on
the Proposed Final Judgment (‘‘PFJ’’)
pursuant to the Antitrust Procedures
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49839
and Penalties Act. 15 U.S.C. 16(b–e)
(known as the ‘‘Tunney Act’’). The
Tunney Act requires that ‘‘[b]efore
entering any consent judgment
proposed by the United States * * *,
the court shall determine that the entry
of such judgment is in the public
interest., 16 U.S.C. 15(e)(1). In applying
this ‘‘public interest’’ standard the
burden is on the government to
‘‘provide a factual basis for concluding
that the settlements are reasonably
adequate remedies for the alleged
harms.’’ United States v. SBC, 489
F.Supp.2d 1, 16 (D.D.C. 2007), citing
United States v. Microsoft Corp., 56
F.3rd 1448, 1460–61 D.C.Cir, 1995).
The Court plays a vital role in
determining the proposed decree fulfills
the public interest. As Judge Greene
observed in approving the AT&T
settlement:
[i]t does not follow * * * that courts must
unquestionably accept a proffered decree as
long as it somehow, and however
inadequately, deals with the antitrust and
other public policy problems implicated in
the lawsuit. To do so would be to revert to
the ‘‘rubber stamp’’ role which was at the
crux of the congressional concerns when the
Tunney Act became law.
U.S. v American Telephone and
Telegraph, 552 F.Supp. 131, 151 (D.D.C.
1982), aff’d sub nom., Maryland v. U.S.,
460 U.S. 1001 (1983).
As detailed below, SE1U believes that
the PFJ fails to meet the public interest
standard. This merger will lead to an
unprecedented level of consolidation
and will create a dominant health
insurer in Clark County. which is the
largest county in Nevada and where Las
Vegas is located. Allowing one health
insurance company this kind of market
control will harm the quality of care
patients will receive in hospitals and
further weaken the fragile health care
system in Clark County. In particular,
the merger will
• jeopardize patient safety and
quality of care by reducing payments to
hospitals;
• jeopardize the health care safety
net;
• have a particularly adverse effect on
rural hospitals;
• and, increase the number of
uninsured and harm the delivery of care
to the elderly.
I. The Merger Will Result in
Dangerously High Nurse to Patient
Staffing Ratios, Placing Patient Safety
and Quality of Care in Jeopardy
The impact of the acquisition of Sierra
by UnitedHealth on the quality of care
in hospitals will be severe. This merger
will lead to an unprecedented level of
concentration, In the Clark County HMO
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market UnitedHealth’s market share will
increase from 14% to 94%. If PPOs are
included, UnitedHealth’s market share
increases from 9% to 60%. Even with
the divestiture of the United Medicare
Advarnage business as included in the
PFJ. UnitedHealth’s market share is over
50%. With such a dominant position
UnitedHealth will be able to reduce
reimbursement rates to hospitals
unilaterally. Simply, hospitals will be
unable to reject a ‘‘take it or leave it’’
offer from UnitedHealth.
When hospitals are forced to reduce
reimbursement rates, the delivery of
health care suffers. Reduced
reimbursement leads to cut backs in
services, less investment in equipment,
and lower staffing levels. While these
Comments will focus on the impact on
nurses and, in turn, the impacts on
patient care, these concerns are
illustrative of the type of competitive
problems that will arise overall from the
reduction of compensation of
reimbursement to hospitals.
Reductions in reimbursement force
hospitals to reduce their expenses. Staff
is the largest expense for hospitals, and
Registered Nurses (‘‘RNs’’) represent
hospitals’ single largest labor expense.
In Southern Nevada in particular,
salaries and benefits represent 48.0% of
total operating expenses,1 and RNs
comprise 76.9% of the hospital
workforce.2 Therefore, if hospitals are
forced to accept low reimbursement
rates, they will look to recoup their
losses by cutting costs in the most
logical place—their RN staff.3 The result
can be dangerously high patient-tonurse staffing ratios.
The detrimental impact of a high
patient-to-nurse ratio on patient safety
and quality of care has been amply
demonstrated in several markets by a
recent set of academic studies, A
comprehensive study conducted in 2002
and published in the Journal of the
American Medical Association found
that the risk of death increases by 7%
1 Hospital Quarterly Reports. Calendar Year 2006
Summary Financial Report. Table A07 ‘‘Operating
Expenses’’ and Table A08 ‘‘Other Operating
Expenses.’’ Utilization and Financial Reports.
Center for Health Information Analysis. University
of Nevada Las Vegas. https://www.unlv.edu/
Research_Centers/chia/NHQR/Financial/
NHQR_Financial_OutputCY2006%200822.xls
(Retrieved on October 15. 2007).
2 Hospital Quarterly Reports. Calendar Year 2006
Summary Utilization Reports. Table F02 ‘‘FTE
Hospital Hours’’ Utilization and Financial Reports.
Center for Health Information Analysis. University
of Nevada Las Vegas. https://www.unlv.edu/
Research_Centers/chia/NHQR/Utilization/
NHQR_Utilization_Output_CY2006%200702.xls
(Retrieved on October 15. 2007).
3 Kosel, Keith and Tom Olivo. ‘‘The Business
Case for Work Force Stability.’’ VHA Research
Series, 2002.
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18:23 Aug 21, 2008
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for every patient in a nurse’s care above
a 4:1 patient to nurse ration, and
increases by 16% when that ratio
increases to 6:1; the study also
concluded, most significantly, that there
is 31% greater risk of dying in hospitals
that force a single nurse to care for eight
or more patients.4 Moreover, according
to a report by the Joint Commission,
Health Care at the Crossroads:
Strategies for Addressing the Evolving
Nurse Crisis, understaffing is a
contributing factor in 24% of sentinel
events (unexpected occurrences that
result in death or serious injury).5
Indeed, patients in hospitals with fewer
intensive care unit (‘‘ICU’’) nurses are
more likely to suffer from complications
after surgery and to have a longer length
of stay in the hospital than patients in
hospitals with a greater number of ICU
nurses. It is also worth noting that
patients are not the only ones who
suffer harm to their health as a result of
short-staffing: nurses are two to three
times more likely to have a needle-stick
injury in hospitals with low nurse
staffing levels.6
Studies have also demonstrated that
there can be better health care outcomes
with adequate staffing levels. A recent
study estimated that 6,700 in-hospital
patient deaths could he avoided by
increasing nurse staffing levels. The
study further concluded that simply
increasing nurse staffing levels would
result in approximately 70,000 fewer
adverse outcomes, including decreases
in urinary tract infections, pneumonia
and shock or cardiac arrest.7
Nurses in Nevada are already forced
to work with dangerously high nurse-topatient ratios. In 2000. Nevada ranked
last among the states in RNs per capita
and in per capita health services
employment.8 In 2005 Nevada ranked
4 Aiken. Linda H.; Clarke, Sean P.; Sloane,
Douglas M.; Sochalski, Julie; Silber, Jeffrey H.
‘‘Hospital Nurse Staffing and Patient Mortality,
Nurse Burnout, and Job Dissatisfaction.’’ Journal of
the American Medical Association, 10/23/2002,
Vol. 288 Issue 16.
5 Joint Commission on Accreditation of Health
Care Organizations. ‘‘Health Care at the Crossroads:
Strategies for Addressing the Evolving Nurse
Crisis.’’ 2003. https://www.jointcommission.org/NR/
rdonlyres/5C138711-ED76-4D6F-909FB06E0309F36D/0/
health_care_at_the_crossroads.pdf (Retrieved on 3/
6/07.)
6 Id.
7 Needleman, Jack, Peter I. Buerhaus, Maureen
Stewart, Katya Zelevinsky and Soeren Mattke.
‘‘Nurse Stafling in Hospitals: Is there a Business
Case for Quality?’’ Health Affairs, Vol. 25. No. 1.
January/February 2006.
8 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Health Resources and Services Administration,
Bureau of Health Professions. ‘‘State Health
Workforce Profiles Highlights: Nevada. https://
bhpr.hrsa.gov/healthworkforce/reports/
statesummaries/nevada.htm (Last viewed 12/7/07).
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49th among the states in per capita
registered nurses, with only 579 RNs for
every 100,000 residents, which is far
below the national average of 799 RNs
per 100,000 residents.9 The RN-topopulation ratios are higher in the
northern part of the state and lower in
Clark County. Although the number of
registered nurses in Nevada has grown
steadily, it has not kept pace with the
state’s population growth.10 The average
number of newly-minted RNs over the
last five years has only been 1,264.11
However, over the last three years,
Nevada’s population increased by
11.4%.12
Academic studies have shown that,
much like the rest of the country, the
epidemic of nurse understaffing in
Nevada is due not to a shortage of
registered nurses, but rather a shortage
of registered nurses willing to work
under the current conditions in Nevada
hospitals. In 2000, active licenses were
held by 12,900 registered nurses in
Nevada but only 10,400 were employed
in nursing.13 In 2004 and 2005, Valley
Hospital in Las Vegas reported that 206
registered nurses left employment at the
hospital (Valley Hospital has
approximately only 540 RNs employed
at any given time).14 At Desert Springs
Hospital in Las Vegas, 137 registered
nurses left employment in 2004 and
2005 (Desert Springs employs
approximately only 290 RNs at any
given time).15 A case study of RNs in
Nevada found that the number one
reason that RN graduates leave their first
job is due to patient care concerns such
as unsafe patient ratios, not having
9 Kaiser State Health Facts. Nevada. Providers &
Service Users. ‘‘Nevada: Total Registered Nurses as
of May 2005.’’ https://www.statehealthfacts.org/
profileind.jsp?ind=438&cat=8&rgn=30 (last viewed
12/7/07).
10 Packham, John, Tabor Griswold, Jake Burkey,
Chris Lake. 2005 Survey of Licensed Registered
Nurses in Nevada. November 2005. https://
www.nvha.net/papers/nursesurvey.pdf Last viewed
on 12/8/07.
11 Nevada State Board of Nursing Annual Reports
for years ending June 30, 2001—June 30, 2005.
Includes new licenses created by examination and
by endorsement.
12 U.S. Census Bureau. American Fact Finder.
Population Finder. ‘‘Population for all Counties in
Nevada, 2000 to 2006.’’ https://
factfinder.census.gov/servlet/GCTTable?_bm=y&geo&_id=0400US32&-_box_head_nbr=GCT-T1&ds_name-PEP_2006_EST&-_lang=en&-format=ST–
2&-sse=on (Last viewed 12/7/07).
13 U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, Health Resources and Services
Administration, Bureau of Health Professions.
‘‘State Health Workforce Profiles Highlights:
Nevada.’’ https://bhpr.hrsa.gov/healthworkforce/
reports/statesummaries/nevada.htm (Last viewed
12/7/07).
14 Data provided pursuant to collective bargaining
information request.
15 Data provided pursuant to collective bargaining
information request.
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enough time to spend with patients, and
working conditions that are not
conducive to safe patient care.16 Job
dissatisfaction among hospital nurses is
four times greater than the average for
all U.S. workers. Forty percent of
hospital nurses report burnout levels
that exceed the norm for health care
workers and 1 in 5 hospital nurses
intend to leave their current jobs within
a year. Job stress and dissatisfaction
increase when nurses are taking care of
more patients. Each additional patient
over four per nurse is associated with a
23% chance of job burnout and a 15%
chance increase in odds of job
dissatisfaction.17
Nurses also bear the brunt of the
predictable results of short-staffing:
every time a nurse goes to work when
there are too few nurses working that
shift, she puts her nursing license in
jeopardy. Pursuant to Nevada statute
(NAG § 632.895), a registered nurse can
be subject to disciplinary action from
the Nevada State Nursing Board if a
patient suffers harm as a consequence of
an act or an omission that could have
been reasonably foreseen, up to and
including suspending or revoking a
nurse’s license.18 We have already
explained the link between low nurse
staffing levels and adverse patient
outcomes including an increased risk of
mortality. Yet another comprehensive
study has found that rates of ‘‘failure to
rescue’’ deaths increased when
registered nurses were responsible for
too many patients. (‘‘Failure to rescue,’’
is the death of a patient from
complications including pneumonia,
shock or cardiac arrest, upper
gastrointestinal bleeding, sepsis or deep
venous thrombosis.) Given that early
identification of medical problems can
decrease the risk of death in ‘‘failure to
rescue’’ mortalities, inadequate staffing
levels further increases the risk of harm
to patients, thereby increasing the risk
of a registered nurse being held
responsible and losing his or her
professional license.19 In the context of
this crisis, further staffing cuts as a
result of this merger will drive even
16 Bowles, Cheryl and Lori Candela. ‘‘First Job
Experiences of Recent R.N. Graduates.’’ Journal of
Nursing Administration. 2005.
17 Aiken, Linda H., Sean P. Clarke, Douglas M.
Stone, Julie Sochalski and Jeffrey H. Silber.
‘‘Hospital Nurse Staffing and Patient Mortality,
Nurse Burnout and Job Dissatisfaction.’’ Journal of
the American Medical Association, Vol. 288. No.
16, 10/23/2002.
18 Nevada Administrative Code. Chapter 632.
https://www.leg.state.nv.us/NAC/NAC-632.html.
19 Needleman, Jack and Peter Buerhaus, Soeren
Mattke, Maureen Stewart and Katya Zelevinsky,
‘‘Nurse Staffing Levels and the Quality of Care in
Hospitals.’’ New England Journal of Medicine, Vol.
346, No. 22. 5/30/2002.
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more Nevada nurses out of the
profession.
These problems will be even more
severe in Southern Nevada, where
71.1% 20 of the hospital market is
controlled by for-profit companies. This
concentrated for profit environment is
almost unique in the U.S. A
comprehensive review of clinical data
from more than 4,000 hospitals in the
United States found that for-profit
hospitals consistently have worse
outcomes than non-profit hospitals on
three common medical conditions:
congestive heart failure, heart attack and
pneumonia.21 The difference in quality
may be attributed to the difference in
accountability, while publicly-owned
and non-profit hospitals are accountable
to the community. for-profit hospitals
are only accountable to their
shareholders and, as a result, focus on
strategies that increase profitability
rather than strategies to benefit the
community.22
The result of this concentration of forprofit hospital ownership is a relatively
poor level of healiheare quality in Clark
County. A Medicare Quality
Improvement Organization, dedicated to
tracking quality measures in medical
settings, routinely ranks Clark County
hospitals in the bottom half of our
nation’s hospitals in a wide-range of
quality measures. In fact. some Clark
County hospitals scored as low as the
6th and 7th percentile of all U.S.
hospitals.23
The PFJ approving the United/Sierra
merger will exacerbate these problems
and diminish the level of health care
quality. The ability of patients and
doctors to determine the appropriate
level of care will be weakened. Nurses
that are working with inadequately low
staffing levels will be faced with an
additional risk to staffing levels and
safe, quality patient care will be
needlessly jeopardized.
20 Quality Care Nevada. ‘‘Hospitals and Health
Systems.’’ https://www.qualitycarenevada.org/index.
asp?Type=B_BASIC&SEC={7707D6CB–3079–4EF0A9D6-B81FB8D31E7F}.
21 Landon, Bruce E.. Sharon-Lise T. Normand,
Adam Lessler, A. James O’Malley, Stephen
Schmaltz, Jerod M. Loeb and Barbara McNeil.
‘‘Quality of Care for the Treatment of Acute Medical
Conditions in U.S. Hospitals.’’ Arch Intern Med,
Vol. 166, Dec 11/25, 2006.
22 Physicians for a National Healthcare Program.
‘‘New England Journal of Medicine Article Says
Evidence Against For-Profit Hospitals Now
Conclusive.’’ August 1999. https://www.pnhp.org/
news/1999/august/new_england_journal_.php (Last
viewed on 12/7/07).
23 Health Insight. https://www.healthinsight.org
(Last viewed on 10/31/07).
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II. Sierra Health Services & HCA: A
Case Study of Anticompetitive Impact
on Qualily & Access in Nevada
History demonstrates how the
dominance of one health insurer in this
market can harm the health care of
children and families in our
community. In Las Vegas we have
already experienced the impacts of a
health insurance company using its
market dominance to increase their
profits. In January 2007, after a
contentious and public contract fight
between Sierra Health Services and
HCA hospitals in Clark County, Sierra
Health Services terminated its contract
with HCA hospitals because HCA
refused to agree to the low
reimbursement rates Sierra was
demanding. When the contract was
terminated, Sierra’s 620,000 members
were no longer able to access services at
the three HCA hospitals in Clark
County.
Children have been harmed the most
by Sierra’s decision. Sunrise Hospital,
which is owned by HCA, specializes in
pediatric care. Children are no longer
able to access pediatric neurologists or
pediatric radiologists in Clark County
and may have to travel as far as Los
Angeles to receive this level of
specialized care. Children with cancer
are no longer eligible to participate in
protocol treatments at Sunrise Hospital.
Patients who come to the Emergency
Room at Sunrise Hospital who are
covered by Sierra Health Services’
products have to be transferred to a
different hospital as soon as they are
stabilized, including women in labor.
Patients are sometimes forced to move
from hospital to hospital to access all
the care they need. We know of one
patient, for example, who had to go to
Sunrise Hospital to have a pacemaker
removed and was then transferred to
another hospital to have a new one
inserted due to insurance demands.
After Sierra Health Services dropped
HCA, Sierra Health Services required
their enrollees to be directed to other
hospitals in Clark County. Our nurses
who work at the other hospitals saw
first hand the impact of having 620,000
consumers suddenly redirected to their
hospitals. A nurse at Valley Hospital
reported that their Intensive Care Units,
Emergency Room and Operating Room
became overwhelmed with heart
patients and other critically ill patients.
Universal Health Services, the for-profit
corporation that owns Valley Hospital,
is already known for short staffing its
Registered Nurses, so when Sierra’s
decision took effect, Operating Room
and Recovery Room RNs and techs were
on call at the hospital for 16–20 hours
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every day. Emergency Room RNs had to
take 4 to 8 patients each, and patients
were forced to stay in the Emergency
Room for 2–3 days before they were able
to he transferred to a bed in Intensive
Care.
Sixteen months have passed since the
contract between Sierra Health Services
and HCA hospitals in Clark County was
severed, and patients are still not able
to access care at these hospitals. At
Sunrise Hospital, the census and case
load continue to be low and patients
continue to be refused treatment. Nurses
who work at HCA hospitals have seen
their hours cut and face the threat of
layoffs. Many registered nurses have
had to find work at other facilities or
have used up all of their vacation time
because there is not enough work for
them. Registered Nurses have had to
quit working at Sunrise Hospital
because there have not been enough
hours for them to work and they have
been unable to pay their mortgage.
SEIU Local 1107 believes that the
HCA example demonstrates the likely
anticompetitive effects from the
UnitedHealthcare/Sierra merger. When
an insurance company is in a dominant
position, it can demand dramatically
lower reimbursement rates from
hospitals. Most hospitals have few
alternatives but to accept a take-it-orleave-it offer from dominant health
insurer. But even if they reject such an
offer, it is important to recognize that
the harm to consumers will not be
limited simply to UnitedHealthcare/
Sierra consumers. For those consumers,
there is one less hospital outlet available
for them to access care. But for all
consumers the termination of a hospital
from an insurer network imposes
significant costs. Ultimately, the
increased costs of serving Sierra patients
at other hospitals are spread to all
consumers who use those alternative
hospitals as the level of care diminishes.
III. The Merger Will Create a Crisis for
the Clark County’s Safety Net Services
by Placing Additional Strain on
Nevada’s Only Public Hospital
The United/Sierra merger will also
harm Clark County’s health care safety
net by creating a crisis for Nevada’s sole
public hospital, University Medical
Center (UMC), located in Las Vegas.
University Medical Center has served
Southern Nevada for 75 years. It
operates Nevada’s only Level 1 Trauma
Center, Nevada’s only burn care facility
and the only HIV inpatient unit in
Southern Nevada. It also serves as the
primary clinical campus for University
of Nevada School of Medicine, Its
Primary and Quick Care network
provides primary and urgent care access
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to more than 300,000 patients each
year.24
UMC treats the vast majority of the
uninsured in Clark County and serves as
the community’s safety net hospital in
Las Vegas. UMC cares for 44% of all of
Clark County’s Medicaid patients and
48% of Clark County’s self-pay patients
and has provided $280 million in
charity care in the last 5 years. At the
same time, UMC cares for less than 11%
of the market for each of the better
paying Medicare and commercial
insurance.
UMC’s ability to provide essential
services is continuously threatened by
its poor payer mix and the financial
instability that that brings. UMC
operates near capacity, with an
occupancy rate of 84.5%, but its average
operating margin for the last four years
has been ¥3.9% because of its poor
payer mix. UMC’s expenses have been
increasing at a higher rate than revenue
since 2001, and with the rate of
uninsured predicted to increase by 24%
by 2021 in Clark County, this deficit is
expected to continue.25 In fiscal year
2006 UMC incurred an operating deficit
of approximately $34.3 million and the
operating deficit is projected to reach
$60 million in fiscal year 2007.26 Given
UMC’s precarious circumstances, if one
insurance company were permitted to
obtain market dominance, any actions
that increase the number of uninsured
or underinsured will severely
undermine the ability of UMC to meet
its obligations in providing a
community safety net for Nevadans. For
example, if as a result of the merger,
United-Sierra dramatically raises
premiums and increases the numbers of
uninsured and underinsured
individuals (which we discuss further
below), this will only increase the
demand on UMC’s already over-taxed
services.
Yet another way UMC will be harmed
if only one insurance company insures
a large percentage of the patients at a
single hospital is in the area of claims
resolution. Any difficulties in resolving
outstanding claims will have a
significant impact on the ability of the
public hospital to meet its public
service obligations. In fact, UMC has
already had precisely this kind of
trouble with UnitedHealth. Modern
Healthcare reported that since
UnitedHealth took over PacifiCare in
2005, UMC has had trouble with
24 Lewin Group. Clark County Final Summary
Presentation,’’ February 20, 2007, Slide 54.
25 Lewin Group. Clark County Final Summary
Presentation,’’ February 20, 2007, slide 5, 7 & 63.
26 University Medical Center Public Outreach
Summary Report.’’ Presented to the Clark County
Board of County Commissioners on 9/4/2007.
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UnitedHealth’s claims payment process
and has had difficulty getting claims
resolved.27 If this merger is approved
and these problems persist, the effects
will be on a much bigger scale and it
will put essential medical services at
risk. UMC cannot afford the financial
and operational havoc that unpaid or
unresolved claims could have on their
ability to provide services.
IV. The Merger Will Exacerbate the
Condition of Nevada’s Most Vulnerable
Populations: the Uninsured and
Underinsured, and the Elderly
The acquisition of Sierra Health
Services by UnitedHealth will result in
UnitedHealth dominating a faction of
the market and possessing the power to
unilaterally set the price for health
insurance premiums. If individuals and/
or employers are unable to afford the
premiums, they will have no other
health insurance options available to
them and we will see an increased
number of uninsured in Las Vegas.
Approximately 18% of Nevadans live
without insurance, which is higher than
the national average of 16%. Seventeen
percent of children in Nevada live
without health insurance, higher than
the national average of 12%.28 The
uninsured rate in Clark County grew
31% from 2000–2006 and is expected to
grow at least another 24% in the next
15 years.29
When patients do not have insurance
they are more likely to delay seeking
treatment and they are more likely to
obtain their care in the emergency room.
When we see them in the hospital they
are much sicker than they would have
been otherwise. They are more likely to
have a longer length of stay. If their
insurance will not cover their care they
need while they are in the hospital they
are more likely to have a delayed
recovery and make repeat visits to the
hospital.
Living without insurance can have
dire consequences. In rural Nevada,
there are a high number of uninsured
pregnant women. When laboring moms
come to the hospital with no medical
records because they were unable to
afford prenatal visits, a danger is posed
to the mother and the child.
This merger will increase the number
of underinsured in Clark County. If
UnitedHealth decides that they will no
27 Benko, Laura B. ‘‘All Bets are Off: Bigger, Yes,
But Better?’’ Modern Healthcare. 3/19/2007.
28 Kaiser Family Foundation. State Health Facts.
‘‘Health Coverage & Uninsured.’’ https://
www.statehelathfacts.org/
profilecat.jsp?rgn=30&cat=3 (Last viewed on 10/30/
07).
29 Lewin Group. ‘‘Clark County Final Summary
Presentation.’’ February 20, 2007, slide 37 & 38.
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longer provide coverage for certain
kinds of care than that decision will
leave more than 808,000 people in
Nevada.30 approximately 32.4% of the
population,31 with a choice of either
going without necessary care or paying
for that care out of their own pocket.
SEIU Local 1107 members represent a
large number of UnitedHealth’s
potential consumers; approximately
74.0% of SEIU Local 1107 members
currently have Health Plan of Nevada
(Sierra’s HMO product) as their only
HMO option.
Increasing the number of uninsured
and underinsured will lengthen
emergency room wait times and impact
the quality of the care we provide at our
hospitals. Hospitals are mandated by
law to provide care to anyone who asks
for medical treatment and, because of
this, people use the ER for everyday
medical problems. We are inundated
with non-emergent patients that have no
other place to go to receive health care.
The burden takes nurses and doctors
away from treating truly emergent, lifethreatening patients and creates
emergency room wait times that can last
6 to 8 hours. If ones insurer provides
coverage to a large percentage of people
in the community and that insurer
decides to raise premiums, the number
of uninsured or underinsured residents
will increase, and all of the problems
associated with that will increase as
well.
Clark County is already in a perilous
position of being unable to provide the
appropriate level of care to elderly and
disabled residents. Clark County
hospitals are short staffed and do not
have enough nurses to provide
necessary care, The County is also
suffers from a shortage of doctors,
dentists and almost every other health
care professional.32 A Veterans
Administration official stated that these
shortages will eventually lead to
premature deaths, intense strain on
families and missed diagnosis that will
cause patients to suffer.33
*
*
*
We believe that the PFJ thus to
address the substantial competitive
concerns raised by UnitedHealth’s
acquisition of Sierra and should he
rejected by the Court.
30 Robison, Jennifer. ‘‘Mergers and Acquisitions:
Official OKs Sierra Health buyout.’’ Las Vegas
Review Journal. 8/28/2007.
U.S. Census Bureau. Population Finder. Nevada.
Population estimates in 2006: 2,495, 529. https://
factfinder.census.gov/servlet/SAFFPopulation?_
event=Search&_name=&_state=04000US32&_
country=&_cityTown=&_zip=&_sse=on&_lang=en&
pctxt=fph (Last viewed on 10/30/07)
32 Hidalgo, Jason, 6/17/2007.
33 Hidalgo, Jason, 6/17/2007.
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Respectfully submitted,
Jane McAlevey, Executive Director,
Service Employees International Union,
Local 1107.
Chris Giunchigliani, Commissioner, Board of
County Commissioners, Clark County
Government Center, 500 S Grand Central
Pky, Box 551601 Las Vegas, NV 89155–
1601, (702) 455–3500 Fax: (702) 383–
6041
May 14, 2008.
Joshua H. Soven, Chief, Litigation I Section,
U.S. Department of Justice, Antitrust
Division, 1401 H Street, NW, Ste. 400,
Washington, DC 20530
RE: Tunney Act Comments, United States v.
UnitedHealth Group, Civil Case No. 08–
0322
Dear Mr. Soven:
As an individual Commissioner of Clark
County, I am submitting these comments to
express my serious concerns with the
proposed final judgment entered into by the
U.S. Department of Justice (‘‘DOJ’’) with
UnitedHealth Group, Inc. and Sierra Health
Services, Inc. over the UnitedHealth/Sierra
acquisition. I believe that this proposed final
judgment is inadequate to resolve the very
serious competitive concerns raised by this
merger.
UnitedHealth’s acquisition of Sierra will
create a single health insurance company that
will dominate the Clark County market. By
combining these two companies, a single
firm will have over a 50% share of the
commercial health insurance market. This
single firm will have substantial power to
dictate the terms and conditions in which
employers, particularly small employers, will
be forced to purchase health insurance. Clark
County is a significant distance from other
major metropolitan markets arid the
commercial health insurance market has
traditionally been dominated by a small
group of firms.
The DOJ’s decree is inadequate because it
fails to recognize the potential competitive
harm from the merger on employers who
purchase insurance, and uninsured and
underinsured individuals in Clark County.
Clark County is the largest county in Nevada
with a population of 2 million individuals,
over 300,000 of which are uninsured, over
17% of the Clark County population. This
merger is of particular concern for the
county, which because it operates the largest
public hospital in Nevada, University
Medical Center (‘‘UMC’’). UMC is the safety
net healthcare facility for the county.
Uninsured and underinsured individuals use
UMC as their primary source of healthcare
services.
This merger, by permitting the creation of
a single dominant health insurer in Clark
County will substantially increase the costs
of numerous commercial health insurance
products, ultimately harming the consumers
in Clark County.
This, in turn, will increase the number of
uninsured individuals. This impact will be
particularly felt by relatively small employers
in Clark County. As the cost of insurance
increases substantially, small employers will
be increasingly unable to provide health
insurance to their employees, and in turn this
will further substantially increase the
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49843
number of uninsured individuals in the
county. Those individuals must rely on UMC
for most of their healthcare services. Thus,
the merger will ultimately increase the cost
of healthcare services in Clark County.
Moreover, this merger will diminish the
service and quality of health care that
patients receive as more demand is placed on
the services of UMC.
The Nevada State Attorney General filed a
complaint and a final judgment simultaneous
to the DOJ action. The Attorney General was
able to secure some modest relief to address
the concerns of UMC, including the payment
of overdue claims for UMC. Although these
remedies aim to solve some ongoing
problems between UnitedHealth and UMC,
they do not provide any long-term relief to
protect the interests of UMC, the uninsured,
or Clark County. Now that the merger is
consummated. Clark County is left dealing
with an incredibly powerful health insurance
company that can unilaterally reduce
reimbursement, which in turn will
significantly diminish the ability of the
county to deliver adequate services to both
insured and uninsured individuals.
I believe that the DOJ’s proposed
enforcement action should be rejected, and
the Department should re-open its
investigation to secure adequate relief to
protect the uninsured individuals in Clark
County and the concerns of the County itself.
Sincerely,
Chris Giunchigliani,
Commissioner.
Congress of the United States
U.S. House of Representatives
Committee of Small Business
2561 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515–0315
May 15, 2008.
VIA E-MAIL
The Honorable Thomas O. Barnett, Assistant
Attorney General for Antitrust, c/o
Joshua H. Soven, Chief, Litigation I
Section, U.S. Department of Justice,
Antitrust Division, 1401 H Street, N.W.,
Suite 4000, Washington, DC 20530
RE: Tunney Act Comments, United States v.
UnitedHealth Group Incorporated, Civil
Case No. 08–0322
Dear Assistant Attorney General Barnett:
These comments are submitted pursuant to
the Tunney Act 1 regarding the Proposed
Final Judgment (PFJ) filed by the U.S.
Department of Justice (DOJ) with the U.S.
District Court for the District of Columbia in
United States v. UnitedHealth Group
Incorporated, Civil Case No. 08–0322.
The Tunney Act requires the Court to
determine whether the PFJ is in the public
interest.2 In making this determination, the
Court must carefully consider the fact that
entry of the PFJ will profoundly reduce
competition in the health care markets of
Clark County and the State of Nevada, and
pose significant risks to consumers,
physicians and small businesses. The public
1 15
2 15
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U.S.C. §§ 16(b)–(h).
U.S.C. § 16(e).
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benefit arising from entry of the PFJ is not
readily apparent.
While the Department of Justice (DOJ) took
steps to protect senior citizens by requiring
the divestiture of Medicare Advantage related
assets, I am concerned the PFJ does not
adequately protect the rest of the public,
including small businesses, healthcare
providers and patients.
On October 25, 2007, the Committee on
Small Business held a hearing entitled
Health Insurer Consolidation—The Impact
on Small Business. The Committee heard
from witnesses representing small
businesses, the medical community and
consumers who expressed concern regarding
the growing trend of consolidation in the
health insurance industiy.
Witnesses made the following comments at
the hearing:
‘‘* * * consolidation has left physicians
with little leverage against unfair contract
terms that deal with patient care and little
control over their own employees rising
health insurance premiums.’’ 3
‘‘The lack of competition among health
insurers absolutely affects my insurance cost,
as well as the quality and scope of coverage.
Our state’s [Illinois] non-competitive health
care insurance environment, due to the
monopoly of one or two carriers, places all
the leverage in the hands of the insurers. I
can’t vote with my feet and dollars if I have
no alternatives from which to select.’’ 4
‘‘Consolidation of health insurance plans
have [sic) created a profound imbalance that
hurts the ability of family physicians to
negotiate contracts. This is harmful to our
practices. but also means that many of our
patients cannot find the primary care
physicians who accept their insurance.’’ 5
‘‘Health insurance consolidation has in
part created a take it or leave it market for
small businesses. Reduced competition
through consolidations both of insurance
carriers and health insurance carrier provider
networks has led to increased pricing (and)
fewer choices for small businesses and their
employees.’’ 6
The hearing record is included as part of
this comment.
Access to health insurance is an area of key
concern to small businesses. The rising cost
of health care is regularly cited by small
firms as one of their biggest worries. Small
businesses need to have choices in the health
insurance marketplace. In addition, mergers
should not be permitted that enable a health
insurer to reduce compensation to physicians
below competitive rates. If the playing field
for health care providers is not level, quality
of care declines and patients ultimately
suffer.
The health insurance marketplace has
become increasingly consolidated in recent
years. Consolidation has left small businesses
with fewer choices and physicians with
3 Statement of Dr. William G. Plested, III,
Immediate Past President. American Medical Assn.
4 Statement of Robert Hughes. President of the
National Association for the Self-Employed
(quoting a member).
5 Statement of Dr. James D. King, President,
American Academy of Physicians.
6 Statement of James R. Office, General Counsel,
Victory Wholesale Grocers.
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diminished leverage to negotiate with plans.
Econometric evidence shows that in the
managed care field, an increase in the
number of competitors is associated with
lower health plan costs and premiums;
conversely, a decrease in the number of
competitors is associated with higher health
plan costs and premiums.7 In the majority of
metropolitan areas, a single insurer now
dominates the marketplace. If individuals
and small businesses cannot get coverage
through the dominant insurer in these areas,
they may not be able to find alternatives.
Because mergers of health insurers affect
access to health care and influence the
quality of medical services to consumers,
they command great scrutiny.
To maintain competition in the
marketplace, the proposed acquisition of
Sierra Health Services, Inc. (‘‘Sierra’’) by
UnitedHealth Group Incorporated (‘‘United’’)
requires the divestiture of more assets than
merely those related to United’s Medicare
Advantage business in the Las Vegas area.
Sierra is United’s largest rival in the state of
Nevada. The level of concentration posed by
this merger is tremendous. A combined
United-Sierra would have a nearly 80 percent
share of the commercial HMO market in
Nevada and almost a 94 percent share of the
commercial HMO market in Clark County.
DOJ notes that ‘‘United and Sierra together
account for approximately 94 percent of the
total enrollment in Medicare Advantage
plans in the Las Vegas area,’’ and that the
‘‘acquisition is likely to reduce competition
substantially in the sale of Medicare
Advantage plans in the Las Vegas area in
violation of Section 7 of the Clayton Act.’’ 8
Similar effects on competition will likely
arise both in the commercial HMO market,
which will see virtually the same levels of
concentration as the Medicare Advantage
market, and the market for the purchase of
physician services. The PFJ fails to address
this diminishment of competition in these
markets in Las Vegas and the State of
Nevada.
It is critical that the Court consider the
following factors in evaluating the PFJ:
Sierra and as a consequence, will be stuck
with higher premium costs. If costs rise
above competitive levels more small firms
will stop providing coverage to employees,
increasing the number of Nevada’s
uninsured.
Additionally, it is important to
contemplate that existing barriers to entry in
the HMO market are extremely high. It is
unlikely that a combined United-Sierra will
face any new competitors in Nevada in the
near future.
The PFJ Could Enhance United’s Market
Power and Hurt Small Businesses
United will go from having a 12 percent
share of the HMO market in the state of
Nevada to an 80 percent share. In Clark
County, the market share will surge from 14
percent to 94 percent. By allowing the two
largest competitors in the state to merge,
small businesses will face severely
diminished options in health insurance
plans. The insurance marketplace in Nevada
and Clark County is already highly
concentrated—which necessitates an even
higher level of scrutiny. With such a
dominant market position, a combined
United-Sierra could attain market power to
raise prices to small businesses above
competitive levels. Small businesses will
have few alternatives to a combined United-
United States House of Representatives
7 Examining Health Care Mergers in
Pennsylvania: Hearing Before the Senate Judiciary
Committee, 110th Congress (April 9, 2007)
Statement of Lawton Burns, Professor, Wharton
School of Business.
8 73 Federal Register 12763 (March 10, 2008).
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The PFJ Could Enhance United’s Monopsony
Power and Hurt Physicians and Patients
With such an overwhelming market share,
the combined United-Sierra could reduce
compensation for providers to the point
where it is below competitive levels. Lower
service, poorer quality and reduced access to
health care could result. Physicians and other
providers may not have sufficient
alternatives to allow them to circumvent the
compensation decreases of a combined
United-Sierra. The costs for physicians to
switch to other health care insurers are
substantial as physician time is valuable and
it can be difficult for a physician to quickly
replace lost patients. With such a dominant
market share and high switching costs,
physicians may find that, when faced with
lower reimbursement, they are unable to
switch from a combined United-Sierra to
another insurer. If this is the case, a
combined United-Sierra could exercise
market power against health care providers.
I appreciate consideration of the above
mentioned issues. I am concerned that the
PFJ does not adequately preserve competition
in the health insurance marketplace for small
businesses, physicians and consumers.
Sincerely,
´
Nydia M. Velazquez,
Chairwoman.
Full Commi1tee Hearing on Health Insurer
Consolidation—The Impact on Small
Business
Committee on Small Business
One Hundred Tenth Congress
First Session
October 25, 2007.
Serial Number 110–55
Printed for the use of the Committee on
Small Business
Available via the World Wide Web: https://
wwwaccess.gpo.gov/congress/house
U.S. Government Printing Office
39–376 PDF Washington : 2007
For sale by the Superintendent of
Documents, U.S. Government Printing
Office
Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone toll free
(866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800
Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC,
Washington, DC 20402–0001
House Committee on Small Business
´
Nydia M. Velazquez, New York, Chairwoman
Heath Shuler North Carolina
Charlie Gonzalez, Texas
Rick Larsen, Washington
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Marilyn Musgrave, Colorado
Mary Fallin, Oklahoma
Vern Buchanan, Florida
Jim Jordan, Ohio
Raul Grijalva, Arizona
Michael Michaud, Maine
Melissa Bean, Illinois
Henry Cuellar, Texas
Dan Lipinski, Illinois
Gwen Moore, Wisconsin
Jason Altmire, Pennsylvania
Bruce Braley, Iowa
Yvette Clarke, New York
Brad Ellsworth, Indiana
Hank Johnson, Georgia
Joe Sestak, Pennsylvania
Brian Higgins, New York
Mazie Hirono, Hawaii
Steve Chabot, Ohio, Ranking Member
Roscoe Bartlett, Maryland
Sam Graves, Missouri
Todd Akin, Missouri
Bill Shuster, Pennsylvania
Marilyn Musgrave, Colorado
Steve King, Iowa
Jeff Fortenberry, Nebraska
Lynn Westmoreland, Georgia
Louie Gohmert, Texas
Dean Heller, Nevada
David Davis, Tennessee
Mary Fallin, Oklahoma
Vern Buchanan, Florida
Jim Jordan, Ohio
Michael Day, Majority Staff Director
Subcommittee on Urban and Rural
Entrepreneurship
Heath Shuler, North Carolina, Chairman
Rick Larsen, Washington
Michael Michaud, Maine
Gwen Moore, Wisconsin
Yvette Clarke, New York
Brad Ellsworth, Indiana
Hank Johnson, Georgia
Jeff Fortenberry, Nebraska, Ranking
Roscoe Bartlett, Maryland
Marilyn Musgrave, Colorado
Dean Heller, Nevada
David Davis, Tennessee
Subcommittee on Investigations and
Oversight
Jason Altmire, Pennsylvania, Chairman
Charlie Gonzalez, Texas
Raul Grijalva, Arizona
Louie Gohmert, Texas, Ranking
Lynn Westmoreland, Georgia
Contents
Opening Statements
´
Velazquez, Hon. Nydia M.
Chabot, Hon. Steve
Adam Minehardt, Deputy Staff Director
Tim Slattery, Chief Counsel
Witnesses
Plested III, Dr. William G., American Medical
Association
Huges, Robert, National Association for the
Self-Employed
King, Dr. James D, American Academy of
Family Physicians
Office, James R., Victory Wholesale Grocers
Scandlen, Greg, Consumers for Health Care
Choices
Kevin Fitzpatrick, Minority Staff Director
Standing Subcommittees
Subcommittee on Finance and Tax
Melissa Bean, Illinois, Chairwoman
Raul Grijalva, Arizona
Michael Michaud, Maine
Brad Ellsworth, Indiana
Hank Johnson, Georgia
Joe Sestak, Pennsylvania
Dean Heller, Nevada, Ranking
Bill Shuster, Pennsylvania
Steve King, Iowa
Vern Buchanan, Florida
Jim Jordan, Ohio
Appendix
Prepared Statements:
´
Velazquez, Hon. Nydia M.
Chabot, Hon. Steve
Altmire, Hon. Jason
Plested III, Dr. William G., American Medical
Association
Huges, Robert, National Association for the
Self-Employed
King, Dr. James D., American Academy of
Family Physicians
Office, James R., Victory Wholesale Grocers
Scandlen, Greg, Consumers for Health Care
Choices
Statements for the Record:
Consumer Federation of America, Consumers
Union and US PIRG
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Subcommittee on Contracting and
Technology
Bruce Braley, Iowa, Chairman
Henry Cuellar, Texas
Gwen Moore, Wisconsin
Yvette Clarke, New York
Joe Sestak, Pennsylvania
David Davis, Tennessee, Ranking
Roscoe Bartlett, Maryland
Sam Graves, Missouri
Todd Akin, Missouri
Mary Fallin, Oklahoma
Subcommittee on Regulations, Health Care
and Trade
Charles Gonzalez, Texas, Chairman
Rick Larsen, Washington
Dan Lipinski, Illinois
Melissa Bean, Illinois
Gwen Moore, Wisconsin
Jason Altmire, Pennsylvania
Joe Sestak, Pennsylvania
Lynn Westmoreland, Georgia, Ranking
Bill Shuster, Pennsylvania
Steve King, Iowa
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Full Committee Hearing on Health Insurer
Consolidation—The Impact on Small
Business
Thursday, October 25, 2007.
U.S. House of Representatives,
Committee on Small Business,
Washington, DC.
The Committee met, pursuant to call, at
9:30 a.m., in Room 2360 Rayburn House
´
Office Building, Hon. Nydia Velazquez
[Chairwoman of the Committee] presiding.
´
Present: Representatives Velazquez,
Gonzalez, Cuellar, Altmire, Clarke, Ellsworth,
Sestak, Higgins, Chabot, Bartlett, and Fallin.
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Opening Statement of Chairwoman
´
Velazquez
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Good morning. I
call this hearing to order to address Health
Insurer Consolidation—The Impact on Small
Business.
Access to health insurance is an area of
concern to small businesses. The rising costs
of health care are regularly cited by small
firms as one of their biggest worries. Small
businesses need to have choices in the health
insurance marketplace. It is imperative that
the marketplace is diverse and competition
flourishes.
It is also critical that small medical
providers are able to continue offering
services. Physicians and other providers
must be able to operate on a level playing
field with health insurers and be reimbursed
at fair rates. If not, quality of care will
decline, and it is the patient who ultimately
will suffer.
Consolidation in the health insurance
industry is one area of special concern that
has a direct impact on these issues. Because
these mergers affect access to care and
influence the quality of medical services,
they command careful scrutiny by regulators.
Unfortunately, the health insurance industry,
like a number of other industries, has seen
a general lack of enforcement of antitrust
laws.
Earlier this year, The Wall Street Journal
reported that the Federal Government has
nearly stepped out of the antitrust
enforcement business. While some mergers
benefit consumers and increase the
competitiveness of U.S. companies, others
pose substantial risks to competition and
innovation.
The health insurance marketplace has
become increasingly concentrated in recent
years. Consolidation has left small businesses
with fewer choices, and physicians with
diminished leverage to negotiate. In the
majority of metropolitan areas, a single
insurer now dominates the marketplace. If
individuals and small businesses cannot get
health coverage through the dominant
insurer, they may not be able to find
alternatives.
Recent mergers in the health insurance
industry have tended to not generate
efficiencies that have lower costs for small
businesses or improved coverage. Premiums
for small businesses have continued to
increase without a corresponding increase in
benefits. Consumers are facing increased
deductibles, co-payments, and co-insurance,
which have reduced the scope of their
coverage.
When operating in highly concentrated
markets, physicians often find they are stuck
with take it or leave it contracts. The
Department of Justice has recognized that
physicians face special difficulties in dealing
with health insurers—namely, it is very
costly for them to switch from one insurer to
another.
Replacing lost business for a physician by
attracting new patients from other sources is
very difficult in our current health care
system. Physicians face barriers in attracting
potential new HMO patients, since they are
filtered through an HMO plan. Physicians
struggle to maintain the quality of care in the
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face of reduced reimbursement—a large
administrative burden.
When physicians are forced to spend less
time on each appointment, ultimately it is
the patients that suffer. It is essential that
competition remains vibrant in the health
insurance marketplace. Not surprisingly,
studies have found that when competition
declines premium costs generally go up. The
rising costs of health care are leading to
greater numbers of uninsured, and less small
businesses and individuals can afford to pay
premiums.
Small businesses continue to be burdened
by the high cost of health care. These rising
costs of health insurance is one of the
primary reasons the ranks of the 46 million
uninsured Americans continue to grow.
Tragically, 18,000 Americans lose their lives
each year because of a lack of health
insurance. We need to ensure that providers
are on a level playing field, and small
businesses and individuals have choices
when it comes to health care.
I yield now to Ranking Member Chabot for
his opening statement.
Opening Statement of Mr. Chabot
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Madam
Chairwoman. I want to apologize for being a
couple of minutes late. It was one of those
mornings where just too many things were
scheduled and I just couldn’t make it to
everything on time. So I apologize.
And I want to thank the Chairwoman for
holding this important hearing on the impact
of mergers and increasing concentration in
the health insurance market. This hearing
continues this Committee’s examination of
the cost of health care on small businesses,
both as purchasers of health care and as
providers.
The Supreme Court has stated that ‘‘The
unrestrained interaction of competitive forces
will yield the best allocation of our economic
resources, the lowest prices, the highest
quality, and the greatest material progress.’’
In short, competitive markets represent the
cornerstone of American progress and the
success of our democracy. Antitrust laws
were established to protect these precious
values. By providing a mechanism to ensure
that competition is not unreasonably
hindered, the antitrust laws can be seen as
further bracing the competition foundation of
this country.
When mergers occur, that may reduce
competition. It behooves the Justice
Department or the Federal Trade Commission
to closely assess the value of these mergers.
That is particularly crucial in the context of
health care. When the members of this
Committee travel back to their districts, they
are put face to face with constituents and
small business owners that struggle every day
to cope with the rising costs of obtaining or
providing health care.
If the number of companies that supply
health insurance continues to decrease, basic
economics suggest that costs of obtaining
health care coverage will increase. It then
becomes vital to assess the impact of industry
consolidation on small business owners who
already have significant difficulty in
obtaining health insurance coverage.
Today, we have witnesses that represent
small business purchasers of health care who
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will inform the Committee of the increasing
difficulty that they have in obtaining health
care coverage at reasonable costs that are not
made any easier as concentration in the
industry increases. In addition to the obvious
effects on purchasers of health care coverage,
it is important to remember that many
providers of health care are small businesses.
If concentration increases in the health
insurance industry, then the multitude of
providers are faced with the market power of
a very large single purchaser that will be able
to dictate prices and the service rendered.
And if the prices do not cover the physician’s
costs, physicians will stop seeing patients,
thus reducing choice even more. Of course,
in addition to the bulwark of antitrust laws
to protect competition, another avenue is to
increase competition in the provision of
health insurers.
This Committee, under the former
Chairman, Mr. Talent, took the lead in
promoting competition in the health
insurance market by creating association
health plans. The House, on a number of
occasions—I believe six times in a five-year
period—passed association health plan
legislation that unfortunately died in the
Senate.
´
The Chairwoman, Chairwoman Velazquez,
should be commended for her courageous
votes in support of association health plans.
Given their potential to reduce costs and
increase competition, I think the Committee
seriously needs to investigate the
resuscitation of that concept.
I look forward to a thoughtful discussion
from the panel of witnesses, a very
distinguished panel I might add that we have
here today, and their ideas on how to protect
and improve competition in the health
insurance markets. And, again, I want to
thank the Chairwoman for holding this
important hearing, and I yield back my time.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you, Mr.
Chabot.
And we are going to start with our first
witnesses, and let me just take this
opportunity to thank all of you for being here
today. We are going to have a timer in front
of you. Green means you go, and then the red
one means five minutes are up. Each one of
you will have five minutes to make your
presentation.
Dr. Plested, Dr. William Plested, is our first
witness. He served as the President of the
American Medical Association from June
2006 to June 2007. Dr. Plested is a
cardiovascular surgeon and has been in
private practice in Santa Monica, California,
for more than 35 years. The American
Medical Association is the nation’s largest
physician group and advocates on issues
vital to the nation’s health.
Thank you, and welcome.
Statement of Dr. William G. Plested, III,
Immediate Past President, American
Medical Association, Brentwood, California
Dr. Plested. Thank you, Madam Chair. My
name is Bill Plested. I am a past president of
the American Medical Association and a
cardiac surgeon from Santa Monica,
California. I want to thank you very kindly
for inviting me to testify today and for
holding a hearing on this exceedingly
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important issue—health insurance
consolidation.
Consolidation in the health insurance
market is critical to the AMA, because
physicians are both patient advocates and
small business owners. Physicians have
primary responsibility for advocating for
their patients, and they also are small
business that want to provide health care
insurance for their employees.
Physicians’ ability to perform either of
these vital functions, however, has been
severely compromised by growing
consolidation in the for-profit health
insurance market. This consolidation has left
physicians with little leverage against unfair
contract terms that deal with patient care and
little control over their own employees’
rising health insurance premiums.
As you all know, our market performs
optimally when consumers have a choice of
competing products and services.
Increasingly, however, choice in the health
insurance market has been severely restricted
as health plans have pursued aggressive
acquisition strategies to assume dominant
positions.
In the past decade, there have been over
400 mergers. Contrary to claims of greater
efficiency and lower cost, these mergers in
fact have led to higher premiums and
decreased patient access to care. If the
current trend continues, we fear it will lead
to a health care system dominated by a few
companies that, unlike physicians, have an
obligation to shareholders, not to patients.
Our worst fears may be realized in Nevada
where we have urged the Department of
Justice to block the merger of the United
Health Group and Sierra Health Systems.
This merger would have a devastating impact
on Nevada’s patients and physicians and
would reverberate throughout the health care
system as a harbinger of unrestricted
consolidation, would drastically reduce
competition, and severely limit health
insurance choice for employers and
individuals in Nevada.
The United-Sierra merger would give
United a 94 percent HMO market—share of
the HMO market in Clark County and an 80
percent share of the HMO market in the
entire State of Nevada. Nevada is in need of
more competition, not less. The State
currently ranks 47th in the country for access
to care and 45th in access to physicians. This
merger would push Nevada even further
down these lists by exacerbating physician
shortages.
Competition is essential to the delivery of
high quality health care services, and this
merger would serve only to further
disadvantage an already challenged Nevada
health care system. Consolidation is not
benefiting patients. Health insurers are
recording record high profits while patient
health insurance premiums continue to rise.
In fact, United and Wellpoint have had
seven—seven years of consecutive doubledigit profit growth that has ranged to 20 to
70 percent year after year.
In addition to compelling results of the
AMA’s annual competition study, many
areas across the country exhibit
characteristics typical of uncompetitive
markets and growing monopolistic behavior.
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These include significant barriers to entry for
new health insurers, the ability of large
entrenched insurers to raise premiums
without losing market share, and the power
of dominant insurers to coerce physicians
into accepting unreasonable and unjust
contracts.
The AMA believes that the Federal
Government must take steps to address the
serious public policy issues raised by
unfettered health insurer consolidation. The
current situation in Nevada is emblematic of
the total absence of boundaries and
enforcement currently applied to health plan
mergers.
Therefore, we respectfully encourage this
Committee to urge the DOJ to enjoin the
merger of United and Sierra. By so doing, the
Committee would be taking a meaningful
step on behalf of America’s patients towards
correcting the existing inequities in the
health care market.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Plested may
be found in the Appendix on page 27.]
´
ChairwomanVelazquez. Thank you, Dr.
Plested.
Our next witness is Mr. Robert Hughes. He
is the President of the National Association
for the Self-Employed. Mr. Hughes has
managed his own accounting practice, Hall &
Hughes, in Dallas/Fort Worth, for the past 20
years. NASE represents hundreds of
thousands of entrepreneurs and
microbusinesses and is the largest non-profit,
non-partisan association of its kind in the
United States.
Welcome.
Statement of Robert Hughes, President,
National Association for the Self-Employed
Mr. Hughes. Thank you very much. It is
our pleasure to be here this morning, and
thank you, Ms. Chairwoman, for the
invitation. As a representative of over
250,000 microbusinesses across the country,
the NASE is committed to addressing the
issue of affordable health coverage. I am here
to tell you that health care costs and coverage
premiums are adversely affecting
microbusiness and impairing their ability to
grow, compete, and succeed.
In addition to the high cost of health
coverage, it has a serious personal impact on
business owners and their employees.
Oftentimes, the small business will sacrifice
saving for retirement, putting money aside
for their children’s education, and addressing
other personal needs to redirect funds to
health coverage in order to stay insured. Of
course, the worst result of mounting
premiums is dropping coverage all together,
which puts their business, their employees,
their family, and themselves at risk when
they face even a minor medical event.
In a 2005 survey, the NASE found that the
majority of microbusiness owners, those
businesses with 10 or less employees, do not
have for themselves, nor do they offer, health
insurance to their employees. Most alarming
is the rate at which premiums for
microbusinesses have been increasing. In a
similar health study conducted in 2002,
microbusinesses indicated the median
premium increase for the year before was a
little over 11 percent.
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In 2005, microbusiness owners were
experiencing a median premium increase of
over 17 percent. Premium costs are the single
most important factor that determines
whether a business owner will insure himself
and provide coverage for employees. Thus,
the key question here today is if the
increasing number of mergers among health
insurers is playing a role in premium
increases.
The self-employed and microbusinesses
purchase health insurance in either the small
group market or the individual market. The
small group market is much more restrictive
and regulated, which reduces, in our
opinion, competition and availability. The
NASE believes that minimization of
insurance carriers due to consolidation,
compounded with a concern of high risk in
the small group segment, and excessive state
regulation leave small business with minimal
options to set up small group health plan,
and is a factor contributing to high premiums
in insurance markets.
A 2005 GAO report highlighted that the
median market share of the largest carrier in
the small group market was 43 percent, up
10 percent from just three years earlier. The
five largest carriers in the small group
market, when combined, represented threequarters or more of the market in 26 of the
34 states that participated in the GAO study.
The dominance of a few carriers in the small
group market was also supported by studies
from the AMA and leading health insurance
experts.
How, then, is this lack of competition
affecting insurance premiums? Well, let me
give you a quote from one of our members,
a freelance writer from Geneva, Illinois. ‘‘The
lack of competition among health insurers
absolutely affects my insurance cost, as well
as the quality and scope of coverage I can
barely afford. Our state’s non-competitive
health care insurance environment, due to
the monopoly of one or two carriers, places
all of the leverage in the hands of the
insurers. I can’t vote with my feet and dollars
if I have no alternatives from which to
select.’’
David, along with other microbusiness
owners, will tell you that competition plays
a central role in improving quality, spurring
innovation, and keeping prices down.
Research has indicated that health plans have
increased premiums consistently above the
rate of growth in costs. Cumulative, the
premium increases for the last six years have
exceeded 87 percent, which is more than
three times the overall increase and medical
inflation of 28 percent.
Why have insurance companies increased
rates at these paces? I guess the simple
answer is: they can. I believe that the current
state regulatory climate plays an even more
critical role in keeping costs high and
impairing competition. State mandates are an
issue. Some believe that state mandates
increase insurance premiums by as much as
20 percent or even more.
Microbusiness owners have long been a
proponent of market-based solutions for
dealing with our health care system.
However, competition without competitors
will not deliver the desired incentive for
health care improvement. The NASE urges
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Congress to address the disparities in
individual and group markets. There are over
20 million non-employer firms in America.
Certainly, they have access to, and choice of,
health care coverage at a very limited basis,
and that issue should be addressed.
Increasing insurer competition for the
strong economic market segment, addressing
state insurance regulation and mandates, and
creating equitable federal tax treatment for
these non-employer firms, are key to
increasing access to affordable health
coverage.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hughes
may be found in the Appendix on page 39.]
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you, Mr.
Hughes.
Our next witness is Dr. James D. King. He
is the President of the American Academy of
Family Physicians. Dr. King is in private
practice in the rural community of Selmer,
Tennessee. He serves as the Medical Director
of Chester County Health Care Services. The
American Academy of Family Physicians is
one of the largest national medical
organizations with more than 94,000
members in 50 states, the District of
Columbia, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands,
and Guam.
Welcome.
Statement of Dr. James D. King, President,
American Academy of Family Physicians,
Selmer, Tennessee
Dr. King. Thank you. On behalf of the
Academy, I appreciate the concern about the
effect of consolidated health plans on family
physicians. We are members of the small
business community, and also are
professionals concerned about the effective
delivery of health care to our patients.
Consolidation of health insurance plans
have created a profound imbalance that hurts
the ability of family physicians to negotiate
contracts. This is harmful to our practices,
but also means that many of our patients
cannot find the primary care physicians who
accept their insurance.
According to the industry analysis,
between 1992 and 2006 the number of health
insurance companies dropped from 95 to 7.
The American Medical Association reports
that 280 U.S. markets, at least one-third of
the covered lives, are members of a single
largest insurer in that market. In the U.S.,
only two insurance companies cover onethird of all insured Americans.
This market concentration gives health
plans huge power to determine the coverage
and payment terms. Let me give you a
snapshot of how this affects the individual
member. Nearly two-thirds of the patients of
a solo family physician in Colorado are
insured by one commercial payer. This
situation occurred because of a merger. When
this doctor made the case for a payment
increase to keep pace with inflation, he was
told by the insurance company, ‘‘As a solo
physician, you are the weakest economic unit
and must take what we decide to give.’’
That single statement bluntly and
accurately describes our problem. As the
economic heavyweights, health plans have
no incentive to agree to physician requests.
When a doctor doesn’t agree to the terms of
the contract, the plan just removes the
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practice from the network. This means that
patients essentially are denied access to their
physicians.
In most cases, family doctors stick to their
patients and sign untenable contracts. These
contracts can affect many aspects of the
practice. They dictate treatment decisions,
require the use of special labs, require peerto-peer requests for prior authorizations,
demand completion of multiple-page forms,
and delay payment while requiring responses
to endless questions.
Many insurance contracts even allow the
health plan to change the terms at any time
without notifying the physician simply by
posting new information on their web site.
These business practices may increase the
profit—may increase the profits of the
insurance company, but they create
enormous burdens for our small and solo
practices and may hurt patient care.
As a result, more primary care physicians
are driven to work in other settings, such as
emergency rooms, in cash only practices.
Some leave medical practice all together.
Worst of all, payment rates and other contract
terms are unrelated to quality of care.
Let me give you another quick story. A
family physician who had been honored
several times as the best physician in
Arizona, who had more than 100 physicians
as his patients, and who received the highest
possible rating from his health plans for
quality and efficiency, is taking more than
$100,000 out of his savings each year just to
keep his practice afloat. Despite his good
work, he has been unable to negotiate higher
payment rates with insurers.
Speaking more broadly, insurance plans
consolidate threaten—consolidation
threatens the potential for quality
improvement in U.S. health care. For
example, family medicine and other primary
care specialties are advocating for the
patient-centered medical home for all
Americans. This medical home would be a
practice that has been transformed to offer
comprehensive, continuous, and coordinated
care to our patients.
Experience with health systems based on
primary care in other industrialized nations
have demonstrated the exceptional value of
a medical home in terms of quality and cost
effectiveness. However, the success of the
medical home depends on a long-term
relationship between the physician and the
patient. This relationship can be threatened,
even destroyed, if insurance companies
dictate the terms of the medical practice and
limit our patients’ freedom of choice.
The AAFP recommends changing antitrust
laws so that physicians can be true market
participants. The current statutes were
established years ago during a very different
competitive environment. Under these
outmoded laws, physicians are barred from
discussing the financial aspects of their
practice with any entity unrelated to their
practice. In contrast, insurance companies
use market share and shared economic
strength to carry out near monopolistic
behavior.
AAFP commends the Committee for
highlighting the significant problems
resulting from health insurance
consolidation. Family physicians, many of
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whom provide health care in small and solo
practices in rural and other under served
areas, feel the effect of the insurance
consolidation as they attempt to negotiate in
an environment that is stacked against them.
Again, I want to thank you for this
opportunity to provide this testimony, and I
look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. King may
be found in the Appendix on page 44.]
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you, Dr.
King.
And now the Chair recognizes Dr. Chabot
for the purpose of introducing our next
witness.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Madam
Chair. I would like to introduce Mr. Office.
He is the Vice President and General Counsel
for Victory Wholesale Group, which is
headquartered in Springfield, Ohio. Mr.
Office is currently sponsorship chair and a
board member of the Southwest Ohio
Chapter of Association of Corporate Counsel.
Victory is a national wholesale distributor
of grocery, health and beauty, and
pharmaceutical products, and we are very
pleased to have a fellow buckeye here this
morning. And we welcome you and are
looking forward to hearing from you, Mr.
Office.
Thank you.
Statement of James R. Office, General
Counsel, Victory Wholesale Grocers,
Springboro, Ohio
Mr. Office. Thank you, Madam
Chairwoman, Representative Chabot, and
members of this Committee, for inviting us to
discuss this important issue.
Victory Wholesale Group appreciates the
opportunity to submit these comments to the
Committee. The rising and out-of-control
increases in health costs is a very important
subject to us and every other small business
across America. Health insurance
consolidations are a large contributor to the
increased health costs. One of Victory’s
largest expenses is for the health care
coverage that it provides its employees.
Let me first tell you a little something
about Victory. Some of you may know
something about Victory through our
involvement in and grants over the many
years to the Congressional Hunger
Foundation. Victory is a group of familyowned separate companies. The first was
established in 1979. Our businesses include
a wholesale grocery distributor, a food
marketing company, a public warehouse
business, a contract packaging business, a
pharmaceutical wholesale distributor, a
promotional items distributor.
Victory has a small number of employees
and businesses in over 22 states, including
Ohio, New York, Florida, California, Nevada,
and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.
Health insurance is the cornerstone of
benefits that Victory provides its employees.
Victory has tried different health care plan
models, including fully insured, self-insured,
PPOs, and HMOs, with the objective to
reduce our health insurance care costs, or to
control their increases.
Victory, having employees around the
country, has not been able to find a single
affordable health care plan that covers our
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separate businesses and employees on a
national basis with health care provider
networks that can compete with the regional
health care providers.
In Victory’s experience, insurance
consolidation has led to the decreased
competition and higher prices in the market.
Let me elaborate. First, we have found that
controlling health care costs is nearly
impossible. The health care industry is both
fragmented and concentrated. It is loaded
with administrative costs, it is inefficient, it
is not measured. Accounting for quality and
for value just simply doesn’t exist.
Next, we have found that the deepest
discounts and best coverage networks are
offered on a regional basis. We have found
that the markets where we have employees
are dominated by a few large insurance
carriers. Carriers with a smaller market share
in these regions generally have weak hospital
and doctor networks, or smaller discounts.
Plans with fewer hospitals and doctors to
choose from are simply not very popular
with employees, and, therefore, employers.
We have found that many of the markets
where we have employees have several
dominant affiliate health care provider
networks or groups. These are groups of one
or more hospitals and physicians that have
combined into an affiliation or network, and
they rent these networks to insurance
companies and employers.
A few dominant health care provider
networks in a region can and do use their
enhanced market clout to resist negotiating
discounts with insurance carriers and
employers. We have found that the dominant
insurance carriers in the region generally
price health care plans for small businesses
through what I would describe as experience
rating, i.e. healthy groups get fairly high
prices, and unhealthy groups get very high
prices.
Insurance carriers have an uncanny way of
learning the health of a group, even if they
don’t insure your group. We have found that
a single serious or major health event within
a group will virtually eliminate competitive
bids and result in much higher than average
cost increases as well as dictated structural
changes in your benefits to the group’s plan
at renewal.
We have found that faced with the
increasing health care costs, employers and
employees are faced with very few choices.
I would call it a menu of the lesser of evils.
These options include: 1) increasing the
amount of premium that each employee pays
each month; 2) increasing the co-payments or
deductibles; 3) imposing changes on
unhealthy lifestyles, like charging smokers or
obese people more premiums; 4)
incorporating higher deductibles and lower
benefits into the plan design, and sometimes
using like a health savings account or health
reimbursement accounts, which in the end is
just a cut in benefits, reducing or modifying
or eliminating benefits, and providing
financial incentives or disincentives to use
the modified benefits.
And lastly, an option that I find is
becoming a lot more common today, which
is small businesses are just eliminating
offering employer-provided health insurance.
Historically, small businesses make up the
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backbone of our nation’s employers.
Collectively, small businesses employ the
largest number of people in the United
States. Yet because each company is small,
we have almost no market clout to help bring
changes to our health care system.
Health insurance consolidation has in part
created a take it or leave it market for small
businesses. Reduced competition through
consolidations both of insurance carriers and
health insurance carrier provider networks
has led to increased pricing, fewer choices
for small businesses and their employees.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Office may
be found in the Appendix on page 49.]
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Mr. Office, your
time is up, and they just called for a vote. So
I would like to move to the next witness. And
for that purpose, I recognize Mr. Bartlett.
Mr. Bartlett. Thank you very much. Mr.
Scandlen wasn’t in his chair when the
Committee began, I suspect for the same
reason I wasn’t in my chair. I think we both
probably came down 270 this morning. I left
two hours and 15 minutes before the
Committee, because I really wanted to be
here on time. But, unfortunately, this was my
second longest commute in 15 years of
commuting that 50 miles from Frederick,
Maryland, down to the Hill. So thank you
very much for braving the traffic and being
here this morning.
Greg Scandlen is from Hagerstown,
Maryland. He is the founder of Consumers
for Health Care Choices, a non-partisan, nonprofit membership organization aimed at
empowering consumers in the health care
system. He is considered one of the nation’s
experts on health care financing, insurance
regulation, and employee benefits.
He testifies frequently before Congress and
appears on such television shows as The
O’Reilly Factor, NBC Nightly News, and
CNN. He has published many papers on
topics such as health care costs, insurance
reform, employee benefits, individual
insurance programs, HSAs, HRAs, and every
aspect of consumer-driven health care. Mr.
Scandlen was the president of the Health
Benefits Group and the founder and
executive director of the Council for
Affordable Health Insurance. He also spent
12 years in the Blue Cross/Blue Shield
system, most recently as the director of state
research at the national association.
Thank you very much for joining us today.
Statement of Greg Scandlen, President,
Consumers for Health Care Choices
Mr. Scandlen. Thank you, Mr.
Congressman. Thank you, Madam Chairman,
and members of the Committee. I was going
to ask you, Mr. Bartlett, for a note excusing
my tardiness, but you have made that
unnecessary. Thank you very much. I do
apologize for being late, though.
I know you have a vote pending, so I will
be very quick. I just want to share a couple
of thoughts with you. One is that
concentration of—in this market is not an
accident, and it is not an inherent part of the
small group market. When I was with the
Blue Cross/Blue Shield Association, I was—
one of my responsibilities was working with
the National Association of Insurance
Commissioners on their small group reform
proposals back in the late 1980s.
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And I can tell you, at the time the
Commissioners and their staff made it very
clear that these reforms would do nothing to
lower cost, nothing to increase access. Their
purpose was to stabilize the market, and that
was their language.
And what they meant by that was they
thought there was too much competition in
the small group market. It was confusing for
employers, and they would prefer it if there
were only three or four competitors in every
market. That would be easier to understand,
and, frankly, probably easier for the
regulators to regulate, with a smaller number
of companies.
So I think the situation we have today is
the direct consequence of regulatory
interference with the market. Many of those
regulations were well intentioned, but I think
they all add to cost and complexity in this
market, and many, many smaller companies
decided they simply could not afford to
comply with the various state and changing
from year to year regulations that they had
to follow. So they simply got out of the
business.
Many of them were life insurance
companies, and they sold off their health
books to larger carriers that were—that are
better able to afford the compliance costs
associated with all of these regulations. And
what we have today, and as the other
witnesses have mentioned, we have coverage
that is overpriced, inefficient, unaccountable,
inconvenient, and incomprehensible to the
consumer.
We need—these are, I believe, the
characteristics of a non-competitive market.
There is insufficient competition. If you don’t
like what—if you don’t like what one
company offers, it really doesn’t matter
because everybody else is offering the exact
same thing at the exact same price.
This market is sorely needing innovation
and efficiency. The insurance industry is
notoriously inefficient. And back in the 19th
century when it comes to technology and
computer support, larger is not better, larger
results in monopolization and a lack of
innovation. And there have been some
proposals that have come before the Congress
that I think would help here.
One is the interstate purchase of coverage.
So if I am living in Maryland, and there is
a better product available in Pennsylvania, I
would like to be able to purchase that
product, and I don’t see why I can’t. Another
possibility would be an alternative federal
charter, so insurance companies could
become like banks. They could decide
whether they would like to be regulated by
the states or by the Federal Government.
And if they choose the states, they are
confined to doing business in the state that
is regulating them. If they choose a federal
charter, they can operate nationally, and Mr.
Office and other multistate’s smaller
employers would be able to purchase the
same product for all of their employees.
So I think solutions are there, but I think
decisive action is needed, because this
market is collapsing.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Scandlen
may be found in the Appendix on page 56.1
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you very
much.
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The Committee stands in recess and will
resume right after the vote.
[Recess.]
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Gentlemen, the
Committee is called back to order. I know the
Ranking Member is on his way here.
I would like to address my first question
to Dr. Plested. We all agree that it is critical
that physicians are in a position to be
advocates for their patients. I understand that
some physicians are concerned that
important decisions relating to care of
patients has been taken away from them by
burdensome rules imposed by insurers.
My question is, Dr. Plested, have these
rules gotten more onerous as the insurance
industry has consolidated? And how do these
policies affect the doctor-patient
relationship? Is the quality of care impacted?
Dr. Plested. Thank you, Madam Chair, and
the answer to the question is unequivocally
yes, quality of care is affected. The basis for
patient care throughout history has been
based on what we call the patient-physician
relationship. And both of those partners in
that relationship have the same interest, and
that is the health of the patient. Regardless
of how you change that, if you put anyone
in between that, whether that be an insurer
or an employer, if anyone else gets in
between those two parties in that
relationship, their interest is different.
With an insurer, the CEO of every
insurance company’s primary interest is his
shareholders, not the patient. So that it can
just—it just follows by reason that any time
we dilute that basic fundamental relationship
it is not in the interest of patients. And when
the insurer can bludgeon the physician with
paperwork, with unnecessary rules and
regulations and unilateral—contracts that can
be unilaterally amended, all these things that
you have heard in the testimony today, that
directly affects the care that those patients
can get.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Have you
conducted any survey among doctors
regarding that doctor-patient relationship as
a result of consolidation?
Dr. Plested. Specifically related to
consolidation, I don’t know that we have, but
we have all kinds of data about what has
happened to the relationship, and
consolidation is an integral part of that. And
it has all been detrimental.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you, Dr.
Plested.
Dr. King, the difficulty physicians have
faced with the insurance industry is in large
part based upon the size of the companies
and the market share they command. Some
insurance companies have grown so large
that physicians have found it difficult to
negotiate a contract with favorable terms.
What has been the experience of your
members? Are they being forced to accept
take it or leave it contracts?
Dr. King. The short answer is yes. I practice
in a small town in Selmer, Tennessee, west
Tennessee in a rural area. And so we only
have one or two major industries to begin
with, and when we only have one insurance
product they have as much as 30, 40, 50
percent of the patient base for us to take care
of.
And I have been taking care of these
patients for 20 years, and all of a sudden I
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am dealing with an insurance company that
has offered a contract that I know is
inappropriate, that is going to interfere with
the quality of care that I need to provide. And
it is tough for me even to consider making
a living and supply jobs for my employees.
I am a small business, too. I have got—we
have seven physicians, we have 39
employees that we need to supply their
health care, we need to provide them with
pay.
So I am a small business, but I am also
providing the health care. And if I choose to
eliminate 20 percent of the patients I have
been taking care of I don’t think too many
businesses can do that. And we are seeing
that every day, that they are having to either
accept a contract that is not acceptable, that
we know we can’t make it work, or give up
30 percent of the patients we have been
caring for over years.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you.
Mr. Hughes, the cost of the same health
benefits are likely to be higher for a small
firm than for a large firm. How does this
make for an unleveled playing field for your
members when it comes to negotiating health
insurance plans? And with increased
concentration in the industry, do you expect
this disparity to grow?
Mr. Hughes. The micro-employer is in a
very difficult position, because they are
facing regulation that places them into the
small group market. So even though we may
have a very small employer group of only one
or two people, they are thrown into the group
market that is accordingly rated based on that
group experience.
What we are seeing is a significant
premium rate increases as a result of that.
The small group simply doesn’t have a
chance to compete the way the larger group
does in the marketplace.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. What can be done
to remedy this disparity?
Mr. Hughes. Well, one of the factors
involves federal taxation. It is clear that taxes
affect social behavior, and it is also clear that
in the Tax Code today all businesses receive
an exemption for the payment of income
taxes and payroll taxes on premiums that
they provide for their employees for health
insurance coverage.
The exception to that rule is for the sole
proprietor, the self-employed individual.
That particular individual does not receive a
payroll tax deduction for these health
insurance premiums, and accordingly must
pay then 15 percent of payroll taxes on those
premiums. The effect is that if the tax law
were amended to be equitable to all business
owners, self-employed proprietors could then
reduce their premium costs by 15 percent
across the board.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you, Mr.
Hughes.
Mr. Office, you mentioned that insurance
companies may entice employers by offering
low coverage rates to new groups, and then
dramatically increase premiums or change
benefits on renewals. You mentioned that
this behavior often chases competition out of
the market, thus allowing the insurer to later
increase prices. What have your experiences
been with such enticement rates, and what
can your business do to respond to
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dramatically increased renewal premiums
when you only have one or two other
insurers to choose from?
Mr. Office. If you have any suggestions, I
am open.
[Laughter.]
That is the thousand-pound gorilla that we
face. You will get an insurance carrier that
will come into the market. And to buy market
share they will offer discounts, and most
small businesses look at price. That is a
critical factor. And once they have done that,
you are moving—your numbers stay the
same.
In any community, you have a certain
number of people that are insured, and you
are just moving them from this bucket to this
bucket, and so this area over here loses those
people and they push out of the marketplace.
Once that is done, then they do increase the
premiums. Or if, structurally, they say,
‘‘Well, we will keep your premium the same,
but here is the policy you are going to have
next year,’’ it is going to have fourth-tier
pharmaceutical or it is going to have higher
co-pays and deductibles, or ‘‘we are not going
to cover, you know, these procedures,’’ or
whatever.
But as a small business, you react to what
they present to you. You don’t really—and
you don’t have a market to go look for to say,
‘‘Well, what About an alternative?’’ So any
questions are welcome.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Sure. Mr.
Scandlen—and I will recognize Mr. Bartlett—
I heard when you spoke about the direct
consequences of state regulations that it
really encourages concentration. And I know
how frustrating it is. You said that one of the
avenues could be interstate purchase of
health insurance or federal charter.
But even without going into that, what role
or how do you assess the Department of
Justice role, or lack of oversight, regarding
antitrust laws when it comes to
consolidation?
Mr. Scandlen. I think there is an important
role for antitrust enforcement here. Clearly,
when there are only two or three players,
when they actually merge together, that is a
concern. But I, quite frankly, think that is—
that is something for the—it is not a universal
solution, because if there is a company that
would like to sell its business to another
company, because the first company simply
is not profitable, then antitrust enforcement
there strikes me as inappropriate.
So I guess I am reluctantly embracing
antitrust in selected cases. And, for instance,
in the United-Sierra merger in Nevada, my
organization was quite concerned about that
and communicated with the Department of
Justice encouraging them to reject that
merger, because here were two very strong
viable companies that consumers we couldn’t
see would derive any benefit from—from the
merger. And if consumers are not benefiting
from it, then I think it—and could actually
be disadvantaged by it, then I think it is a
problem. But I don’t see it as the number one
solution to this issue.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you.
Now I recognize Mr. Chabot.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Dr. Plested, I will start with you if I can.
You noted that investigating consolidation
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regulators have tended to focus on physicians
rather than on health insurers. Could you
expand upon that a little bit? Why do you
think that is so, and what should be done
about that?
Dr. Plested. Well, I certainly can’t testify to
the motivation of the DOJ, but I can testify
to what has happened, and it would appear
that the doctor—an individual doctor is
much less able to withstand an assault from
the DOJ. And it makes their rate of caring
actions that they succeed on exceedingly
high, because it—an individual physician
just can’t withstand this.
A huge insurer certainly can, and I think
the point that the Chairman just raised is
exceedingly important. What can we do, or
what can this Committee do? And the answer
to that is it is time to draw a line in the sand
and say, ‘‘This is going to stop.’’ The answers
are complex, as everybody has said, and they
aren’t going to be solved in this testimony or
this action. But to put down a marker and say
this Committee from—to the DOJ, we have
got to make it crystal clear that this is going
to stop, and get this merger enjoined, would
be the necessary first step that could be
made.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you, Doctor.
Mr. Hughes, if I could turn to you next. In
your written testimony, you urged Congress
to address the inequitable tax treatment of
health insurance for individuals purchasing
coverage on their own. I really couldn’t agree
more with you on that, and, in fact, today I
am reintroducing a bill that I have introduced
in previous Congresses. Unfortunately, we
haven’t gotten it passed into law yet, but we
are going to continue working.
It is called the Health Insurance
Affordability Act, and it is legislation that
would provide a tax deduction for gross
income—or, excuse me, from gross income
for the health insurance costs of an
individual taxpayer, the taxpayer’s spouse,
and dependents as well. In other words, you
know, large corporations obviously can fully
deduct the health care costs for their
employees, but an individual basically pays
for their premiums and doesn’t get to claim
those for the most part. And a lot of small
businesses also aren’t able to do so, at least
to 100 percent.
Could you explain how a deduction like
that would help individuals in small firms?
Mr. Hughes. Well, again, going out in the
individual market, as you indicate, those
health insurance premiums are paid with
aftertax dollars, meaning that their
purchasing power has been eroded
significantly. And if there is a way, a
mechanism that would allow for the
deduction of health insurance premiums
across the board, whether employee or
business or small business owner, then my
sense is that it is going to have the impact
of bringing more people into the marketplace,
creating a marketplace that has in effect
lower ultimate cost of premiums, and
theoretically that should increase
competition, because more insurers should
go after that market niche. So we
wholeheartedly support that type of
legislation.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much.
Dr. King, in your written testimony you
state that ‘‘As a result of concentration of
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insurers, many family practice physicians in
small or solo practices have little leverage in
negotiations with health plans.’’ Could you
discuss that briefly, and what effect that
ultimately has?
Dr. King. I will be glad to. In fact, I can give
you an example of my own practice. As I
stated earlier, I practice in a small town in
west Tennessee. We have a large employer
there, and they changed insurances for cost,
as mentioned earlier. There was no physician
in my county in the network that insurance
product provided. And they not only didn’t
come at us with a contract we wouldn’t
accept, they didn’t offer us one at all.
Under their arrangement, all they had to do
was have a doctor within 45 miles of the
plant that signed up. Then, they met all the
requirements they felt like they needed to do.
And they wouldn’t even sit down and talk to
us.
And my patients had a choice to make that
year. They came and saw me and we tried
to work out a way that they could pay me
for their services and we didn’t bill their
insurance, or they drove 45 miles. So they
were doing back and forth for an entire year
until they finally changed that plan. They
chose not to make any changes at all.
So not only do they come at us and we
can’t negotiate, and this was every physician
in the county, that, you know, they have
enough, but for—with our family physicians,
most of us are solo practitioners or small
groups, anywhere from one doctor to maybe
four or five. We have absolutely no leverage.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Doctor.
Mr. Office, you mentioned that your
companies maintain multiple health
insurance plans to foster competition, and to
help reduce costs. How much of an impact
does this make on your overall health
insurance costs?
Mr. Office. I would be happy to share some
numbers with you, which I came prepared to.
But we range—for example, single only
coverage in one geographic location where I
understand there is some competition, and I
am not involved in the buying there, but they
are paying $177 a month per employee. And
in the area that I work in, we are paying $570
a month. So there is a $400 difference. For
family coverage, the difference is $450 versus
$1,400. So you can see that there could be
significant differences.
Now, because of the regionalization I can’t
go to, say, New York or Puerto Rico where
I might get a lower rate and buy a plan for,
you know, south—you know, southern Ohio
where we have most-you know, a large group
of people, or Florida. We just can’t get that,
because we end up with networks. We are
not going to buy a plan and pay a premium
and then get a network where there is no
doctors in that area. Our employees will—
there will be a mutiny.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Chabot. Okay. Thank you.
Mr. Office. So, you know, if you are going
to pay the premium, you have to have
hospitals and doctors in that network. And
you don’t want to make people have to
change those choices. So there can be a big
difference.
Mr. Chabot. One of our colleagues, John
Shadegg from Arizona, has introduced a plan
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over the years relative to health insurance
that would allow people to go across state
lines and would undo some of the difficulties
there are with various states having different
requirements and regulations and keeping
companies out that aren’t necessarily in a
particular state. So it is something that we
probably ought to look at.
Finally, Mr. Scandlen, in your written
testimony you discuss the need for
innovation in the types of health insurance
coverage that are offered, such as health
savings accounts, for example. Howwould
small businesses benefit from greater
innovation? And is there anything that you
would suggest this Committee or Congress do
in that area to be of assistance?
Mr. Scandlen. I am not sure how you could
encourage innovation other than just
encouraging competition. I mean, I think it is
the same thing. And there are some very,
very interesting things out there. One of the
things I mentioned in the testimony was the
special needs plans under Medicare, and that
is sort of an experiment that—that I think so
far is having very good results, very
interesting results.
These are insurance companies that focus
on the needs of the chronically ill, and one
of the reasons they are able to do that is
because they receive—Medicare pays out
risk-based premiums, so they are receiving
premiums that enable them to service that
special population.
Mr. Chabot, if I could very quickly also, in
terms of the—your tax deduction for
individuals, I think that is a marvelous idea,
and I think it is worth remembering that up
until 1983 individuals could deduct their
health insurance premiums as part of the
medical expense deduction, as long as, in
1983, it didn’t exceed three percent of their
AGI.
That was raised to 5.5 percent, and then in
’87 raised to 7.5 percent. and we have seen,
as that has eroded, the individual market has
just gone in the tank, because that tax
advantage has been withheld from people
that buy individual coverage.
Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much.
I yield back, Madam Chair.
´
ChairwomanVelazquez. Thank you.
Mr. Gonzalez.
Mr. Gonzalez. Thank you very much,
Madam Chairwoman. The issue of
availability and affordability—and it
transcends big business, small business,
every American situated one way or another.
The interesting thing, I think the government
has a tremendous stake in making sure there
is robust competition, because the future
does hold more government involvement in
assisting individuals, small business,
families, in acquiring health insurance.
So availability and affordability looms
large, whether it is the President’s tax
proposal, whether it is what Mr. Chabot was
talking about, associated health plans,
subsidizing premiums and such. All that is
for naught if we don’t have a healthy
insurance industry that will provide choice,
which will drive down cost, obviously. At
least that is what I have used as the big
picture.
Some of the things that we have covered
here, though, I am wondering if it really does
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in any way assist in achieving that final goal
of availability and affordability. I will say
that I think our first witness alluded to—I
guess it is the United acquisition of Sierra.
Is that right? And maybe that should be a
marker. Maybe we ought to pay a lot of
attention to that, and put everybody on
notice. And I think that point is well taken.
One thing that Dr. King pointed out—and
I am thinking all short of that—is, how do we
get all of the different participants fully
empowered?
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Will the
gentleman suspend? Mr. Gonzalez. Yes.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. I just would like
to ask unanimous consent, and the Ranking
Member agreed with me, for every member
to have the opportunity to ask one question.
This is going to be quite—a very disruptive
session today. Right now on the floor they are
going to be calling procedural votes.
So in light of that, I will give the
opportunity for everyone to ask one question,
since I know that some of the members of the
panel have flights to catch.
´
Mr. Gonzalez. I will be real brief, then. I
will just ask Dr. King, you pointed out that
maybe empowering physicians to negotiate,
where presently they are prohibited by law—
that was my understanding of your
testimony—if you could just kind of
elaborate a little bit on that, and how you see
that would be beneficial to the big question
of availability and affordability.
Dr. King. Well, in allowing us to be able
to negotiate, or at least talk to each other, you
know, about the different insurance products,
about the contracts that we are being offered
to make sure that we can compare, we talk
doctor talk, we don’t talk lawyer talk. And
we need to have the ability to share
information and share problems and
concerns as we look at the contracts, so that
we can make decisions that is the best
interest for our patients.
And then, if we can negotiate that, I can
see how, you know—you know, I don’t know
about the—you know, the consolidation of all
of the insurance companies and all, but I see
how the health care of my patients can
improve, and we can arrive at a better plan
that we take away the barriers that I try to
help take care of my patients with that, so
that physicians won’t desert. We don’t have
enough primary care physicians out there.
They are going into different arrangements.
They are going into ERs, they are going into
urgent cars, which is not where we want our
patients, and they are going into markets that
don’t include insurance.
So we have—just to get the physicians out
in the rural areas and taking care of patients
like we need to, they have got to be able to
negotiate and make it work.
´
Mr. Gonzalez. Thank you. I yield back.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you. Mr.
Bartlett.
Mr. Bartlett. Thank you very much. You
know, we don’t really have much of a health
care system in our country. We have a really
good sick care system. It is the best in the
world, and I would hope that we might move
a little more toward a health care system, so
maybe we wouldn’t need such a big sick care
system.
One of the problems in rising health care
costs is the fact that health care—I am using
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that word euphemistically—health care is
about the only thing that most people shop
for in our country and never ask the price.
So they are not a careful shopper.
And one of the things that I wanted to
personally do, so that I could become a
careful shopper—and these were in the days
before health savings accounts, which really
makes a person a careful shopper, and I am
a big fan of those. But absent that, when I
retired 20-couple years ago, I wanted to find
a catastrophic policy with a $5,000
deductible. See, I think that these little nickel
and dime things just wear you out and
enormously increase the cost of health care.
I can pay the first $5,000. That might be
a little painful, but what I can’t pay is that
second half million. And I think that many
of the policies drop. You have a cap at about
a half million. I couldn’t find a catastrophic
policy with a $5,000 deductible. That ought
to be a pretty cheap policy, shouldn’t it? And
wouldn’t it make people a really careful
shopper? And why don’t you—why doesn’t
the industry offer that kind of a policy?
Mr. Scandlen. I think they are available
now. And if I am not mistaken, the AMA has
offered a $10,000 deductible policy to its
members for a long time. So I think if you
were shopping today, Mr. Bartlett, you would
be able to find that.
Mr. Bartlett. Madam Chair, I would like
you to encourage our people here who
provide our options for health care to include
that as one of the options.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Definitely.
Mr. Bartlett. Thank you very much.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Ms. Clarke.
Ms. Clarke. I want to thank our
Chairwoman and our Ranking Member. This
is probably one of the most critical issues
facing Americans today. As small businesses,
as health care providers, as consumers, we
are all in a quandary and involved in the
same meltdown together.
There are so many questions that I would
like to ask, but I want to get an understanding
of some of what is happening out there to
physicians’ claims. I want to ask for anyone
on the panel—I have heard that health
insurers have employed coercive tactics,
such as re-pricing of physician claims, which
results in non-contracted physicians
receiving less than contracted physicians for
the same service. What is re-pricing exactly,
and what other manipulative practices have
health insurers used to undermine a
physician’s bargaining power? Dr. Plested?
Dr. Plested. Re-pricing is a very interesting
phenomenon. It is complex, but there have
been contracts let by entities that do not
provide any care. They just round up a large
number of contracted doctors who will
accept a price, and there are literally
hundreds of these contracted groups. There
are now entities called re-pricers that take
every physician and match that physician by
computers with every contract that they have
signed for every service that they provide.
And so that when you get a bill from your
insurance company that has six things on it,
that may be a sign by a re-pricer to six or
seven different contracts, so that he gets the
lowest one. It is complex, but it is a very
Machiavellian type of system.
There are also the things that the insurers
can do that have been mentioned that they
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can unilaterally amend a contract. They can
change the amount that they agreed to pay
you. They can unilaterally put in screens.
They have computerized screens that will
reduce the amount that they pay for things
that it doesn’t pay the physician to charge—
to try to challenge each of these. There are
a multitude of monopolistic behaviors that
are allowed by this.
´
Chairwoman Velazquez. Thank you. And I
want to take this opportunity to thank all the
witnesses. And I am sorry we do not have
more time to spend with you, but I am very,
very happy that we really had an opportunity
to have this dialogue on an issue that is so
important, not only for small businesses and
small practitioners, but also for consumers in
America.
The Small Business Committee will call on
federal antitrust regulators to play a more
active role in ensuring that health insurance
markets remain competitive, and, to that
effect, I will ask the Ranking Member to join
with me in sending a letter to the Department
of Justice. I will also—I already discussed
with Chairman Conyers on the House floor,
when we went to vote, asking him to do a
joint hearing between Judiciary and Small
Business to examine specific mergers that
may be pending.
I know, Mr. Scandlen, that you said that
this is just one aspect of a bigger picture, but
we have to make sure that there is proper
oversight and examination before these
mergers can proceed.
With that, I thank all the witnesses for your
participation. I ask unanimous consent that
members have five legislative days to enter
statements and supporting materials into the
record, and this Committee is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:45 a.m., the Committee
was adjourned.]
Statement of the Honorable Nydia M.
´
Velazquez, Chairwoman,United States
House of Representatives, Committee on
Small BusinessFull Committee Hearing:
‘‘Health Insurer Consolidation—The Impact
on Small Business’’
October 25, 2007.
I call this hearing to order to address
‘‘Health Insurer Consolidation—The Impact
on Small Business.’’
Access to health insurance is an area of
concern to small businesses. The rising costs
of health care are regularly cited by small
firms as one of their biggest worries. Small
businesses need to have choices in the health
insurance marketplace. It is imperative that
the marketplace is diverse and competition
flourishes.
It is also critical that small medical
providers are able to continue offering
services. Physicians and other providers
must be able to operate on a level playing
field with health insurers and be reimbursed
at fair rates. If not, quality of care will decline
and it is the patients who ultimately will
suffer.
Consolidation in the health insurance
industry is one area of special concern that
has a direct impact on these issues. Because
these mergers affect access to care and
influence the quality of medical services,
they command careful scrutiny by regulators.
Unfortunately, the health insurance
industry, like a number of other industries,
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has seen a general lack of enforcement of
antitrust laws. Earlier this year, the Wall
Street Journal reported that ‘‘the federal
government has nearly stepped out of the
antitrust enforcement business.’’
While some mergers benefit consumers and
increase the competitiveness of U.S.
companies, others pose substantial risks to
competition and innovation.
The health insurance marketplace has
become increasingly concentrated in recent
years. Consolidation has left small businesses
with fewer choices and physicians with
diminished leverage to negotiate with plans.
In the majority of metropolitan areas, a single
insurer now dominates the marketplace. If
individuals and small businesses cannot get
coverage through the dominant insurer, they
may not be able to find alternatives.
Recent mergers in the health insurance
industry have tended to not generate
efficiencies that have lowered costs for small
businesses or improved coverage. Premiums
for small businesses have continued to
increase without a corresponding increase in
benefits. Consumers are facing increased
deductibles, co-payments and co-insurance
which have reduced the scope of their
coverage.
When operating in highly concentrated
markets, physicians often find they are stuck
with take it or leave it contracts. The
Department of Justice has recognized that
physicians face special difficulties in dealing
with health insurers—namely, it is very
costly for them to switch from one insurer to
another.
Replacing lost business for a physician by
attracting new patients from other sources is
very difficult in our current health care
system. Physicians face barriers in attracting
potential new HMO patients since they are
filtered through an HMO plan.
Physicians struggle to maintain the quality
of care in the face of reduced reimbursements
and large administrative burdens. When
physicians are forced to spend less time on
each appointment, ultimately, it is patients
that suffer.
It is essential that competition remains
vibrant in the health insurance marketplace.
Not surprisingly, studies have found that
when competition declines, premium costs
generally go up. The rising costs of
healthcare are leading to greater numbers of
uninsured as fewer small businesses and
individuals can afford to pay premiums.
Small businesses continue to be burdened
by the high costs of health care. The rising
cost of health insurance is one of the primary
reasons the ranks of the 46 million uninsured
Americans continue to grow. Tragically
18,000 Americans lose their lives each year
because of a lack of health insurance.
We need to ensure that providers are on a
level playing field, and small businesses and
individuals have choices when it comes to
healthcare.
I yield to Ranking Member Chabot for his
opening statement.
Opening Statement
Hearing Name: Health Insurer
Consolidation—The Impact on Small
Business
Committee: Full Committee
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Date: 10/25/2007
Opening Statement of Ranking Member
Chabot
‘‘I would like to thank the Chairwoman for
holding this important hearing on the impact
of mergers and increasing concentration in
the health insurance market. This hearing
continues this Committee’s examination of
the cost of health care on small businesses—
both as purchasers of health care and as
providers.
‘‘The Supreme Court has stated that ‘that
the unrestrained interaction of competitive
forces will yield the best allocation of our
economic resources, the lowest prices, the
highest quality, and the greatest material
progress* * *’ In short, competitive markets
represent the cornerstones of American
progress and the success of our democracy.
‘‘The antitrust laws were established to
protect these precious values. By providing a
mechanism to ensure that competition is not
unreasonably hindered, the antitrust laws
can be seen as further bracing the
competitive foundation of this country.
‘‘When mergers occur that may reduce
competition, it behooves the Justice
Department or the Federal Trade Commission
to closely assess the value of those mergers.
That is particularly crucial in the context of
health care.
‘‘When the members of this Committee
travel back to their districts, they are put
face-to-face with constituents and small
business owners that struggle every day to
cope with the rising costs of obtaining or
providing health care. If the number of
companies that supply health insurance
continues to decrease, basic economics
suggests that costs of obtaining health care
coverage will increase. It then becomes vital
to assess the impact of industry consolidation
on small business owners who already have
significant difficulty in obtaining health care
coverage. Today, we have witnesses that
represent small business purchasers of health
care who will inform the Committee of the
increasing difficulty that they have in
obtaining health care coverage at reasonable
costs that are not made any easier as
concentration in the industry increases.
‘‘In addition to the obvious effects on
purchasers of health care coverage, it is
important to remember that many providers
of health care are small businesses. If
concentration increases in the health
insurance industry, then the multitude of
providers are faced with the market power of
a very large single purchaser that will be able
to dictate prices and the service rendered.
And if the prices do not cover, for example,
costs associated with obtaining malpractice
insurance, providers will opt of accepting
coverage from consumers reducing choice
even more.
‘‘Of course, in addition to the bulwark of
the antitrust laws to protect competition,
another avenue is to increase competition in
the provision of health insurance. This
Committee under the former Chairman, Mr.
Talent, took the lead in promoting
competition in the health insurance market
by creating association health plans. The
House on a number of occasions passed
association health plan legislation that then
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died in the Senate. The Chairwoman should
be commended for her courageous votes in
support of association health plans. Given
their potential to reduce costs and increase
competition, I think the Committee seriously
needs to investigate the resuscitation of that
concept.
‘‘I look forward to a thoughtful discussion
from the panel of witnesses and their ideas
on how to protect and improve competition
in the health insurance markets.
‘‘With that, I yield back.’’
Statement of the Honorable Jason Altmire
House Committee on Small Business
Hearing‘‘Health Insurer Consolidation—The
Impact on Small Business’’
October 25, 2007.
Thank you, Chairwoman Velazquez, for
calling today’s hearing to examine the impact
health insurer consolidation will have on
small business. Consolidation of health
insurers has been on the rise in recent years.
leaving fewer health care provider choices for
small businesses. This committee
consistently hears that cost is the number one
factor when determining if a small business
will offer health care coverage. As more and
more health care providers merge, they are
able to exert more bargaining power, leaving
small businesses with limited options.
In my home state of Pennsylvania, the
state’s two largest health insurers, Highmark
Inc. and Independence Blue Cross,
announced a plan to combine the two
organizations. The state is currently going
through the review process and while the US.
Department of Justice reviewed the terms of
the consolidation and determined that it
raises no antitrust or other anti-competitive
issues under federal law, I am concerned that
this consolidation may limit competition and
drive up health insurance prices for small
businesses, If the merger goes through, it is
estimated that the new organization will
control at least 53 percent of the state’s
health insurance market,
If health insurer mergers continue to follow
the trend of resulting in fewer options and
higher costs, more small businesses will face
barriers to health care. Now and in the future
as mergers are considered, it is important to
ensure that choices in the health insurance
marketplace remain so access to health care
is not compromised.
Madam Chair, thank you again for holding
this important hearing today. I yield back the
balance of my time.
Statement of the American Medical
Association to the Committee on Small
Business, United States House of
Representatives
Re: Health Insurer Consolidation—The
Impact on Small Business
Presented by William G. Plested III, MD
October 25, 2007.
Division of Legislative Counsel
202–789–7426
The American Medical Association (AMA)
appreciates the opportunity to present
testimony to the Committee on Small
Business on health insurer consolidation and
its impact on small business. We commend
´
Chairwoman Velazquez, Ranking Member
Chabot, and Members of the Committee for
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49853
your leadership in recognizing that the
dramatic and ongoing consolidation of the
health plan industry has severely
diminished, if not eliminated, competition
among the insurance companies to the
detriment of patients and their treating
physicians.
Consolidation in the health insurance
market is critical to the AMA because our
members are both patient advocates and
small business owners. In an environment
where health insurers have increasing control
over patient care and decreasing
accountability, physicians have primary
responsibility for advocating that their
patients receive the appropriate medical care
covered by their health insurance. Their
ability to do so, however, has been severely
compromised where dominant insurers force
them to adhere to contracts that create
significant obstacles to providing the best
possible patient care. Physicians are also
vulnerable to dominant health insurer
practices as small business owners. The
majority of physician practices are small
businesses that are attempting to provide
health insurance coverage to their employees
in the face of substantial health insurance
premiums. The growing consolidation in the
health care market and the extreme
imbalance that has resulted has meant that
physicians have little leverage in either of
their roles as health care advocates or
purchasers of insurance.
A market performs optimally when
consumers have a choice of competing
products and services. Increasingly, however,
choice in the health care market has been
severely restricted due to rampant health
insurer consolidation. Large health plans
have pursued aggressive acquisition
strategies to assume dominant positions in
various markets across the country. In fact, a
few health insurers now overshadow the
majority of health care markets. In the past
decade alone there have been over 400
mergers.1 These mergers have led to higher
premiums and increasing problems with
patient access to care. If the current trend
continues, it will inevitably lead to a health
care system dominated by a few publicly
traded companies that operate in the interest
of shareholders rather than patients.
Our worst fears may be realized in Nevada
where we have urged the U.S. Department of
Justice (DOJ) to block the merger of
UnitedHealth Group (United) and Sierra
Health Systems (Sierra). Should this merger
be consummated, it will have a devastating
impact on Nevada’s patients and physicians
and will reverberate throughout the health
care system as a harbinger of future
unrestricted consolidation. The AMA’s
Competition Study, Competition in Health
Insurance: A Comprehensive Study of U.S.
Markets, as well as the presence of several
characteristics typical of uncompetitive
markets, further supports the notion that
competition has been and will continue to be
severely undermined in Nevada and
nationwide.
We believe that the federal government
must take steps to correct the current
1 Irving Levin Associates, The Healthcare
Acquisition Report, 2001–2006 Editions.
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imbalance in the market and address the
deceptive, noncompetitive conduct of large,
dominant health insurers. The boundaries of
acceptable consolidation in the health
insurance market must be reexamined and
enforced so that current threats to the health
care system are blocked and future harmful
consolidation is deterred. Thus, we
encourage the House Small Business
Committee to urge the DOJ to take steps to
enjoin the merger of United and Sierra in
Nevada. By doing so, the Committee would
be taking a meaningful step towards
correcting the existing inequities in the
health care market.
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United-Sierra Merger
We believe that a vital component to
assuring a competitive marketplace is
antitrust enforcement against anticompetitive
mergers and exclusionary conduct. Over the
past several years, however, the DOJ has not
brought any cases against anticompetitive
conduct by health insurers and has
challenged only two mergers since 1999,
requiring onJy moderate restructuring.2
Currently, the AMA is urging the DOJ to
prevent the United-Sierra merger, which will
create an exceptional level of concentration
in Nevada, particularly in Clark County,
resulting in higher prices, less service, and
lower quality of care.
The United-Sierra merger will drastically
reduce competition for the provision of
health insurance to employers and
individuals in Nevada. The market share for
Sierra and United combined in Nevada is 48
percent, while in Clark County the combined
United-Sierra market share is 60 percent.3
For Health Maintenance Organization (HMO)
based insurance, should the merger proceed,
United will have an 80 percent market share
of all HMOs in Nevada and a 94 percent
market share of the HMO market in Clark
County.4 According to the HerfindahlHirschman Index (HHI), the typical measure
of market concentration, the Nevada and
Clark County markets would be significantly
above the threshold for being considered
‘‘highly concentrated.’’ 5 Indeed, the level of
concentration would be unprecedented.
Where, as here, a merger produces an entity
that is so disproportionately larger than any
of its competitors, there is a considerably
increased likelihood that the entity will be
able to raise prices, decrease compensation,
and reduce quality without fear of
meaningful competitive market responses.
Nevada is in need of more competition, not
less. It cannot afford a merger that will
further restrict patient access to care. Nevada
currently ranks 47th in the country for access
to care, 51st in quality of care, last for
immunization coverage for children under 3,
49th in access to nurses, 44th for women’s
mortality rates, and 45th in access to
2 See United States v. UnitedHealth Group Inc.,
Case No. 1:05CV02436 (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2005),
available at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/
f213800/213815.htm; United States v. Aetna,
Revised Competitive Impact Statement, Civil Action
3–99CV1398–H (N.D.Tex, 1999), available at https://
www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f2600/2648.htm.
3 Nevada State Health Division
4 Id.
5 Merger Guidelines S. 1.51.
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physicians—approximately 25 percent below
the nationwide median, with one of the
lowest physician-to-population ratios in the
country.6 The United-Sierra merger would
push Nevada even further down the access to
quality medical care list by exacerbating
physician and staffing shortages through
decreased compensation and increased use of
unreasonable contracts. Competition is
essential to the delivery of high quality
health care services. Its absence in the face
of this merger will serve only to further
disadvantage the already challenged Nevada
health system.7
Competition in the Health Insurance Market
As noted above, the competitive health
care market has been steadily eroding. Health
insurers have become significantly more
concentrated and have used their power to
the disadvantage of patients and physicians.
As mentioned above, over the past 10 years
there have been over 400 mergers involving
health insurers and managed care
organizations.8 In 2000, the two largest
health insurers, Aetna and UnitedHealth
Group (United), had a total combined
membership of 32 million people. Due to
aggressive merger activity since 2000,
including United’s acquisition of Californiabased PacifiCare Health Systems, Inc., and
John Deere Health Plan in 2005, United’s
membership alone has grown to 33 million.
Similarly, WellPoint, Inc. (Wellpoint), the
company born of the merger of Anthem, Inc.
(originally Blue Cross Blue Shield of
Indiana), and WellPoint Health Networks,
Inc. (originally Blue Cross of California), now
owns Blue Cross plans in 14 states. In 2005,
WellPoint acquired the last remaining Blue
Cross Blue Shield plan, the New York-based
WellChoice. Consequently, WellPoint now
covers approximately 34 million Americans.9
Together, WellPoint and United control 36
percent of the U.S. commercial health
insurance market.
AMA Competition Study
The effects of consolidation are
particularly striking at the local and regional
levels, illustrated by the AMA’s Competition
Study, Competition in Health Insurance: A
Comprehensive Study of U.S. Markets.10
Every year for the past six years, the AMA
has conducted the most in-depth study of
6 Nevada Strategic Health Care Plan, Report of
the Legislative Committee on Health Care, Nevada
Revised Statute 439B.200, February 2007; https://
system.nevada.edu/Chancellor/University/
index.htm; https://www.commonwealthfund.org/
statescorecard/statescorecard_show.htm?doc_
id=495871; https://hrc.nwlc.org/.
7 United claims that efficiencies produced by the
merger will outweigh anticompetitive harms. As a
general matter, however, efficiencies from health
insurance mergers have not been passed on to
patients. This is evidenced by the United PacifiCare
merger, which has not resulted in lower premiums
or better services for subscribers.
8 Irving Lewvin Associates, supra.
9 WellPoint Health Networks and Anthem, Inc.,
merged in 2004 The merged entity, WellPoint, Inc.,
is nearly double the size of either entity.
10 The AMA focused on state and MSA markets
because health care delivery is local, and health
insurers focus their business and marketing
practices on local markets.
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commercial health insurance markets in the
country. The study analyzes the most current
and credible data available on health insurer
market share for 313 Metropolitan Statistical
Areas (MSA5) and 44 states.11
In addition to its exhaustive geographic
reach, the study analyzed the product market
in three ways—considering only HMO
products; considering only Preferred
Provider Organization (PPO) products; and
considering HMO and PPO products
combined. For each, the study calculated the
HHI,12 which measures the competitiveness
of a market overall,13 and, applying the 1997
Federal Trade Commission/Department of
Justice Horizontal Merger Guidelines (Merger
Guidelines), classified them as ‘‘not
concentrated,’’ ‘‘concentrated,’’ or ‘‘highly
concentrated.’’14 The results form the most
extensive and accurate portrayal of the health
insurance market to date. And they confirm
that in the majority of health care markets
competition has been severely undermined.
With regard to market concentration (HHI),
the study found the following:
• In the combined HMO/PPO product
market, 96 percent (299) of the MSAs are
highly concentrated.
• In the HMO product market, 99 percent
(309) of the MSAs are highly concentrated.
• In the PPO product market, 100 percent
(313) of the MSAs are highly concentrated.
With regard to market share,15 the study
found the following for each product market:
11 Significantly, state-level data is often
misleading because in many states health insurers
do not compete on a state-wide basis.
12 The HHl is the sum of the squared market
shares of each firm in the market. The more
competitive the health insurance market, the lower
the HHI, The less competitive the health insurance
market, the higher the HHI. The largest value the
HHI can take is 10,000 when there is a single
insurer in the market. As the number of firms in the
market increases, however, the HHI decreases. For
instance, if a market has four firms, each with a 25
percent share, the HHI would be 10,000 divided by
4, which equals 2500. The HHI would continue to
decrease with additional firms in the market.
13 The HHI is not a measure specific to any one
firm, although it is a function of each firm’s market
share, The DOJ uses the HHI when evaluating the
impact of a merger or acquisition on the
competitiveness of a market.
14 Markets with an HHI of less than 1000 are
classified as ‘‘not concentrated.’’ The DOJ and FTC
will generally not restrict merger activities in these
markets. Markets with an HHI between 1000 and
1800 are classified as ‘‘concentrated.’’ Under the
Merger Guidelines, a merger in one of these markets
that raises the HHI by more than 100 points may
raise significant competitive concerns. Markets with
an HHI above 1800 are classified as ‘‘highly
concentrated.’’ A merger in a ‘‘highly concentrated’’
market that raises the HHI by more than 50 points
may raise significant competitive concerns, and a
merger that raises the HHI more than 100 points is
presumed to be anti-competitive.
15 The AMA measures market share of health
insurers by enrollment. The combined HMO/PPO
market share of an insurer is the sum of that
insurer’s HMO and PPO enrollment, divided by the
total HMO and PPO enrollment in the market,
multiplied by 100. HMO market share is that
HMO’s enrollment, divided by total HMO
enrollment in the market, multiplied by 100.
Similarly, a PPPO’s market share is that PPO’s
enrollment, divided by total PPO enrollment in the
market, multiplied by 100.
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For the combined HMO/PPO product
market:
• In 96 percent (299) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 30
percent or greater.
• In 64 percent (200) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 50
percent or greater.
• In 24 percent (74) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 70
percent or greater.
• In 5 percent (15) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 90
percent or greater.
For the HMO product market:
• In 98 percent (306) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 30
percent or greater.
• In 64 percent (201) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 50
percent or greater.
• In 37 percent (117) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has market share of 70
percent or greater.
• In 16 percent (49) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 90
percent or greater.
For the PPO product market:
• In 97 percent (304) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 30
percent or greater.
• In 76 percent (238) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 50
percent or greater.
• In 36 percent (112) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 70
percent or greater.
• In 9 percent (28) of the MSAs, at least
one health insurer has a market share of 90
percent or greater.
This study establishes, unequivocally, that
competition has been undermined in
hundreds of markets across the country.
Sadly, the ultimate consumers of health
care—patients—are not the ones benefiting
from the consolidation. To the contrary,
patient premiums have risen dramatically
without any expansion of benefits, while
many health insurers have posted record
profits.
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Market Characteristics Indicating Absence
of Meaningful Competition
In addition to high market share and
market concentration, many health care
systems across the country exhibit
characteristics typical of uncompetitive
markets and growing monopoly and
monopsony power. There are significant
barriers to entry for new health insurers in
these markets. Large, entrenched health
insurers are able to raise premiums without
losing market share. And dominant health
insurers are able to coerce physicians into
accepting unreasonable contracts.
Barriers to Entry Into the Market
Barriers to entry are relevant when
determining whether a high market share
threatens competition in a specific market.
Where entry is easy, even a high market share
may not necessarily translate into market
power, as attempts to increase price will
likely be countered by entry of a new
competitor. On the other hand, where entry
is difficult, a dominant player is able to
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sustain profitability amid significant price
increases without fear of competition.
Most markets across the country currently
display substantial barriers to entry. Start-up
health insurers must meet costly state
statutory and regulatory requirements,
including strict and substantial capitalization
requirements. To do this, they must have
sufficient business to permit the spreading of
risk, which is difficult, if not impossible, in
markets with dominant health insurers.
Indeed, it would take several years and
millions of dollars for a new entrant to
develop name and product recognition with
purchasers to convince them to disrupt their
current relationships with the dominant
health insurers. The DOJ underscored the
significant obstacles associated with entering
certain health insurance markets in United
States v. Aetna, when it noted, ‘‘[n]ew entry
for an HMO or HMO/POS plan in Houston
or Dallas typically takes two to three years,
and costs approximately $50,000,000.16 Such
market conditions represent insurmountable
barriers for new entrants.
Premium Increases
The ability of dominant health insurers to
raise premiums and remain profitable is
another sign of excessive market power. This
practice harms small businesses, exacerbates
access to care problems, and contributes to
the alarming numbers of uninsured. When
premiums rise, many employers stop
providing coverage, reduce the scope of
benefits provided, and/or ask employees to
pay a higher share of the overall premium.
In some cases, small businesses must choose
between growth and the provision of health
insurance. Even when employers continue to
offer health plans, increases in premiums,
deductibles, and co-payments lead many
workers to forego their employer-sponsored
health insurance. In fact, according to a
survey by the Agency for Healthcare
Research and Quality, employee health plan
participation at large companies declined
from 87.7 percent to 81 percent between 1996
and 2004.17 This declining coverage puts an
enormous strain on the health care system
and leads to otherwise avoidable
expenditures for emergency care and other
medical services.
The past several years have been marked
by increasing health plan premiums and
profits. In 2007, premiums for family
coverage increased by 6.1 percent.18 In 2006,
premiums increased by 7.7 percent and in
2005 premiums rose by 9.2 percent 19—in all
years outpacing overall inflation by 3.5 to a
full 5.7 percent.20 Cumulatively, the
premium increases during the last six years
have exceeded 87 percent, with no end in
16 United States v. Aetna. Revised Competitive
Impact Statement, Civil Action 3–99CV1398–H
(N.D.Tex, 1999), available at https://www.usdoj.gov/
atr/cases/f2600/2648.htm.
17 Fuhrmans, Wall Street Journal, 8–25–06.
18 Employer Health Benefits, 2007 Annual Survey,
The Kaiser Family Foundation and Health Research
and Education Trust.
19 Strunk, et al, ‘‘Tracking Health Care Costs,’’
Health Affairs (Sept. 26, 2001), W45.
20 Jon Gabel, et al, ‘‘Job-Based Health Insurance in
2001: Inflation Hits Double Digits, Managed Care
Retreats,’’ Health Affairs (Sept/Oct. 2001), at 180.
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49855
sight. This is more than three times the
overall increase in medical inflation (28
percent) and more than five times the
increase in overall inflation (17 percent)
during the same period.21 This has directly
led to an increase in the number of
uninsured, which currently exceeds 47
million, or one in seven Americans. Notably,
these increased premiums have not led to
corresponding increases in medical benefits.
Health insurers seek to deflect attention
from their huge profits by falsely asserting
that physician payments are driving recent
premium increases. Such claims are baseless.
While premium levels have risen by doubledigit amounts, physician revenues have
fallen. The median real income of all U.S.
physicians remained flat during the 1990s
and has since decreased.22 The average net
income for primary care physicians, after
adjusting for inflation, declined 10 percent
from 1995 to 2003, and the net income for
medical specialists slipped two percent.23 In
contrast, recent reports on health insurer
profits show that the profit margins of the
major national firms have experienced
double-digit growth since 2001. In fact,
United and WellPoint have had seven years
of consecutive double-digit profit growth that
has ranged from 20 to 70 percent year-overyear. Thus, it is shareholders and health
insurance executives, not physicians, who
are profiting within an anticompetitive
market at patients’ expense.
Physician Bargaining Power
Growing market domination of health
insurers is undermining the patientphysician relationship and eviscerating the
physician’s role as patient advocate.
Physicians have little-to-no bargaining power
when negotiating with dominant health
insurers over contracts that touch on
virtually every aspect of the patientphysician relationship. This is particularly
troublesome given physicians’ critical role as
patient advocates in an environment where
health insurers have increasing control and
limited accountability regarding decisions
that affect patient treatment and care.
Many health insurer contracts are
essentially ‘‘contracts of adhesion.’’ Contracts
of adhesion are standardized contracts that
are submitted to the weaker party on a takeit or leave-it basis and do not provide for
negotiation. Many contracts of adhesion
contain onerous or unfair terms. In the health
insurer context, these terms may include
provisions that define ‘‘medically necessary
care’’ in a manner that allows the health plan
to overrule the physician’s medical judgment
and require the lowest cost care, which may
not be the most optimal for the patient. They
also frequently require compliance with
undefined ‘‘utilization management’’ or
‘‘quality assurance’’ programs that often are
21 Kaiser/HRET: Employer Health Benefits
Survey, 2005 Annual Survey.
22 Physician Income: A Decade of Change, Carol
K. Kane, PhD, Horst Loeblich, Physician
Socioeconomic Statistics (2003 Edition), American
Medical Association.
23 Losing Ground: Physician Income, 1995–2005,
Ha T. Tu, Paul B. Ginsburg, Center for Studying
Health Systems Change Tracking Report No. 15
(June 2006).
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nothing more than thinly disguised costcutting programs that penalize physicians for
providing care that they deem necessary.
In addition to interfering with the
treatment of America’s patients, many health
insurer contracts make material terms,
including payment, wholly illusory. They
often refer to a ‘‘fee schedule’’ that can be
revised unilaterally by the health insurer and
is not provided with the contract. In fact,
many contracts allow the health insurer to
change any term of the contract unilaterally.
In addition, these contracts frequently
contain such unreasonable provisions as
‘‘most favored payer’’ clauses and ‘‘all
products’’ clauses.
‘‘Most favored payer’’ clauses require
physicians to bill the dominant health
insurer at a level equal to the lowest amount
the physician charges any other health
insurer in the region. This permits the
dominant health insurer to guarantee that it
will have the lowest input costs in the
market, while creating yet another barrier to
entry. ‘‘All products clauses’’ require
physicians to participate in all products
offered by a health insurer as a condition of
participation in any one product. This often
includes the health insurer reserving the
right to introduce new plans and designate a
physician’s participation in those plans.
Given the rapid development of new
products and plans, the inability of
physicians to select which products and
plans they want to participate in makes it
difficult for physicians to manage their
practices effectively.
Despite the improper restrictions and
potential dangers these terms pose,
physicians typically have no choice but to
accept them. Any alleged ‘‘choice’’ is illusive
given that choosing to leave the network
often means terminating patient relationships
and drastically reducing or losing one’s
practice. Physicians simply cannot walk
away from contracts that constitute a high
percentage of their patient base because they
cannot readily replace that lost business. 24 In
addition, physicians are limited in their
ability to encourage patients to switch plans,
as patients can only switch employersponsored plans once a year during open
enrollment, and even then they have limited
options and could incur considerable out-ofpocket costs.25
Health insurers have even employed tactics
to coerce non-contracted physicians who
have managed to preserve some level of
bargaining power, into signing contracts. For
example, a number of large health insurers
are refusing to honor valid assignments of
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24 The
DOJ, in its 1999 challenge of the Aetna/
Prudential merger recognized that there are
substantial barriers to physicians expeditiously
replacing lost revenue by changing health plans. It
also noted that this imposes a permanent loss of
revenue. United States v. Aetna, Revised
Competitive Impact Statement, Civil Action 3–
99CV1398–H (N.D. Tex, 1999), available at:
https://www.usdog.gov/atr/cases/f2600/2648.htm.
The DOJ reiterated this position in its challenge to
the UnitedHealth Group/PacifiCare merger. See
United States v. UnitedHealth Group Inc., Case No.
1:05CV02436 (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2005), available at
https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f213800/
213815.htm.
25 See id.
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benefits executed by a patient who receives
care from a non-contracted physician. This
means that health insurers, rather than pay
the non-contracted physician directly, pay
the patient for the services provided.
Similarly, many health insurers engage in the
practice of ‘‘repricing’’ of physician claims
(including proprietary claims edits and the
use of rental network PPOs 26), which results
in non-contracted physicians receiving less
than contracted physicians for the same
service.27 These and other manipulative
practices are clearly designed to undermine
any residual bargaining power a physician
practice might have, and further depress
physician payments.
Monopsony Power
In a substantial number of markets across
the country, dominant health insurers have
the potential to exercise monopsony power
over physicians to the detriment of
consumers. Monopsony power is the ability
of a small number of buyers to lower the
price paid for a good or service below the
price that would prevail in a competitive
market. When buyers exercise monopsony
power in the labor market, they exploit
workers in the sense of decreasing fees below
their true market value. Monopsony power
also has an adverse impact on the economic
well being of consumers as it results in a
reduced quantity of the firms’ products
available for purchase.
In the health insurance industry, health
insurers are both sellers (of insurance to
consumers) and buyers (of, for example,
hospital and physician services). As buyers
of physician services, health insurers are
acting as monopsonists—lowering the prices
they pay to a point at which physicians are
forced to forego investments in new
technology, reduce staff and services, and
even leave the market, all of which inevitably
lead to increased waiting times and reduced
access to care. Moreover, because health
plans have posted considerable profits
without decreasing premiums, the benefits of
their ability, as a buyer of services, to lower
the prices they pay suppliers (physicians),
have not been passed on to consumers.
In fact, the DOJ has recognized that a
health plan’s power over physicians to
depress reimbursement rates can be harmful
to patients—the ultimate consumers of health
care. Such was the basis for the DOJ’s
decision in 2005, requiring United to direst
some of its business in Boulder, CO as a
condition of approving its merger with
26 A ‘‘rental network PPO’’ exists to market a
physician’s contractually discounted rate primarily
to third-party payers, such as insurance brokers,
third-party administrators, local or regional PPOs,
or self-insured employers. Rental network PPOs
may also rent their networks and associated
discounts to entities such as ‘‘network brokers’’ or
‘‘repricers’’ whose sole purpose is finding and
applying the lowest discounted rates, often without
physician authorization.
27 ‘‘Repricing’’ practices and rental networks also
deprive contracting physicians of the benefits of
their contracts when they result in payment below
the contracted fee schedule, These tactics make it
difficult for physicians to administer their practices
and undercuts efforts to make the health care
system more transparent.
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PacifiCarc.28 Specifically, the DOJ noted that
because physicians cannot replace ‘‘lost
business’’ quickly, the point at which
physicians are locked-into a managed care
contract is significantly lower than for other
businesses.29 In the United-PacifiCare
merger, the DOJ found that where the merged
company would control 30 percent of
physician revenues, the plan could exercise
monopsony power over physicians in a
manner that would lead to a ‘‘reduction in
the quantity or quality of physician services
provided to patients.’’ 30
Health insurers with monopsony power
can use the economic benefits of reduced
reimbursement in medical care to protect and
extend their monopoly position and increase
barriers to entry into the market. Thus, rather
than producing ‘‘efficiencies,’’ increasing
monopsony power in health care markets
across the country causes a number of
distortions in the market that harms patients
by reducing access to care.
Antitrust Law and Policy Restrictions on
Physicians
Ironically, rather than focus on the health
insurance industry, which, as noted above,
has boasted record profits and increased
premiums corresponding to recent waves of
consolidation, regulators have focused on
physicians, the least consolidated segment of
the health insurance industry. This is
confounding given the current health insurer
environment. Since April 2002, the FTC has
brought at least 25 cases against physician
groups based upon contracting arrangements
with health insurers.31 All but one of the
groups chose to settle with the FTC rather
than engage in a protracted, financially
devastating legal battle.32 These actions have
had a chilling effect on physician practices,
Due to the significant burdens and
responsibilities associated with ‘‘financial
integration,’’ the only other option currently
available to physicians is so-called ‘‘clinical
integration,’’ as described by the DOJ/FTC in
their 1996 Statements of Antitrust
Enforcement Policy in the health Care Area.
The agencies, however, have provided little
guidance on what exactly constitutes clinical
integration, other than to make clear that
meeting the standard requires several years of
development and millions of dollars of
infrastructure investment; an option that is
simply not feasible for the vast majority of
physicians who are not part of a large group
28 See United States v UnitedHealth Group Inc.,
Case No. I :05CV02436 (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2005),
available at https://www.usdoi.gov/atr/cases/
f213800/213815.htm.
29 See id.
30 Ibid.
31 See FTC website at http;//www.ftc.gov/os/
actions.shtm.
32 At the same time, the FTC has been extremely
restrictive regarding the ability of physicians to
jointly negotiate with insurers, approving only three
arrangements. See https://
www.brownandtotand.com/publish/en/about/
news_room/ftc_ information-Par-0005DownloadFile.tmp/4.5FTCNotice.pdf(Brown and
Toland); https://www.ftc.gov/bc/adops/
070618medsouth.pdf (MedSouth); https://
www.ftc.gov/os/closings/staff/
070921finalgripamcd.pdf (Greater Rochester
Independent Practice Association).
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practice, hi fact, the few endeavors that have
been approved have been limited to large
practices consisting of hundreds of
physicians.
Given the increasing power and size of
health insurers and the corresponding
decrease in physician bargaining power, the
policy landscape that has resulted in
aggressive antitrust enforcement actions
against physicians should be reexamined.
Physician joint contracting can make it
possible to obtain ready access to a panel of
physicians offering broad geographic and
specialty coverage. In addition, nonexclusive physician networks pose no threat
to competition. Physicians can
independently consider contracts presented
from outside the network. Likewise, health
insurers that cannot reach a ‘‘package deal’’
with a physician network can contract
directly with its physicians or approach a
competing network. Rather than restraining
trade, the physicians will have created an
additional option for purchasers—a procompetitive result. Thus, the AMA believes
that less restrictive approaches to physician
joint contracting will have pro-competitive
benefits such as greater flexibility, more
innovation, and ultimately a better health
care system.
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Conclusion
It is time for the federal government to
address the serious public policy issues
raised by the unfettered consolidation of
health insurance markets. The current
situation in Nevada is emblematic of the total
absence of boundaries and enforcement
applied to health plan mergers. The AMA’s
Competition Study and the presence of
market characteristics that typify dominant
market power, further prove that competition
has already been undermined in markets
across the country. This has real, lasting
negative consequences for the delivery of
health care in this country. Thus, we strongly
urge the House Small Business Committee to
lay the groundwork for reversing this
dangerous trend toward a marketplace
controlled by a few health insurance
behemoths by encouraging the DOJ to enjoin
the United-Sierra merger.
Testimony of Robert Hughes, President, The
National Association for the SelfEmployedHouse Committee on Small
Business ‘‘Health Insurer Consolidation—
The Impact on Small Business’’
October 25, 2007.
As the representative of over 250,000
micro-businesses across the country, the
National Association for the Self-Employed
(NASE) is committed to addressing the issue
of affordable health coverage, which is the
number one concern of our members and all
small businesses in our nation. I am hear to
tell you that rising health care costs are
significantly hurting micro-business and
impairing their ability to grow. compete and
succeed. in addition, the high Cost of health
coverage has serious personal consequences
on business owners and employees. Often
times our members will sacrifice saving for
retirement, putting money aside for their
children’s education, and addressing other
personal needs to redirect funds to health
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care Costs in order to stay insured. Of course,
the worst result of mounting premiums is
dropping coverage all together which puts
their business, their family and themselves at
risk should they face a medical crisis.
The number of Americans living without
health coverage rose in 2006 to 47 million,
an increase of almost 16 percent over the
previous year. in a 2005 survey, the National
Association for the Self-Employed (NASE)
found that a majority of micro-business
owners, those businesses with ten or less
employees, do not have for themselves nor
offer a health insurance plan to their
employees. The smallest companies are most
impacted, with only 14% of companies that
grossed less than $50,000 annually having
health insurance compared to 70% among
those grossing more than $500,000 yearly.
Most alarming is the rate at which premiums
for micro-businesses have been increasing. In
a similar health survey conducted by the
NASE in 2002, micro-businesses indicated
the median premium increase from the year
before was a little over 11%. However, in
2005 micro-business owners were
experiencing a median premium increase of
over 17%, a substantial escalation.
Premium costs are the single most
important factor that determines whether a
business owner will insure himself and
provide coverage for his/her employees. Most
importantly, if a micro-business owner
cannot afford insurance for himself and
family, he/she will not likely provide health
benefits to employees. The issue of choice or
lack there of in earner options plays a role
in terms of it’s affect on price. Thus, the key
question here today is if increasing
consolidation amongst health insurers are
playing a role in premium increases.
First, I would like to highlight that the selfemployed and micro-businesses purchase
health insurance in two markets: the small
group market and the individual market. The
definition of a small group is determined by
each state, though most define it as one with
50 or fewer employees. Firms in this size
range looking to offer access to health
insurance for their employees will look to the
small group market for insurance options.
However, of those currently insured, the
majority of self-employed and microbusinesses have purchased individual health
coverage. While micro-businesses surveyed
by the NASE indicate that they believe it is
an employer’s responsibility to assist their
employees with health coverage, the high
cost to both the business and the employee
in terms of cost sharing are the most
significant barriers impeding business
owners from providing employees with
coverage. Micro-businesses may assist their
employees with their health care costs by
setting up a Health Reimbursement
Arrangement (HRA), contributing to an HSA
or increasing their take home salary to help
employees pay for individual insurance but
a large percentage are not setting up an
employer-based small group health plan.
The health insurance options and number
of carriers differ in the individual and small
group market. Most states have a suitable
number of insurance carriers with an array of
coverage options within the individual
market. The small group market is much
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more restrictive in terms of competition and
availability. The NASE believes that
minimization of insurance carriers due to
consolidation compounded with the concern
of high risk in this small group segment and
excessive state regulation leaves small
businesses with minimal options to setup a
small group health plan and is a factor
contributing to high premiums in insurance
markets.
A 2005 GAO report highlighted that the
median market share of the largest carrier in
the small group market was 43%, up 10%
from 2002. The five largest carriers in the
small group market, when combined
represented three-quarters or more of the
market in 26 of co the 34 states that
participated in the GAO study compared to
only 19 of 34 states in 2002. Blue Cross and
Blue Shield is by far the giant in this sector,
growing to 44% market share in all
participating states. To support the GAO
findings, we see similar depictions of lack of
competition from a 2006 AMA study on the
nation’s health insurance markets which
found that 95 percent of markets had a single
insurer with a market share of 30 percent or
greater and 56% of markets had a single
insurer with a market share of 50 percent or
greater.
From the data we see a notable dominance
of a few carriers in the small group market.
Thus, the next question that begs an answer
is how this lack of competition is affecting
premiums. Any micro-business owner will
tell you that competition plays a central role
in improving quality, spurring innovation
and keeping prices down, Thus, the NASE
feels the lack of competition may be a vital
element in high premium costs in the small
group sector. James C. Robinson, PhD, a
professor of health economics at the
University of California, Berkeley, School of
Public Health, in an article for Health Affairs
revealed that between 2000 and 2003 health
plans raised premiums consistently above the
rate of growth in costs. For investors in
private insurance companies, returns were
tremendous and Robinson states, ‘‘the nonprofit Blue Cross and Blue Shield plans
enjoyed financial results equal to or better
than those of their for-profit counterparts.’’
(Health Affairs, Volume 23, Number 6)
According to previous AMA testimony, in
2005 premiums for employment-based
insurance policies increased by 9.2 percent—
outpacing overall inflation by a full 5.7
percent. Cumulatively, the premium
increases during the last six years have
exceeded 87 percent, which is more than
three times the overall increase in medical
inflation (28 percent) and more than five
times the increase in overall inflation (17
percent) during the same period. (AMA
Testimony to Senate Judiciary Committee,
2006) Hence, we see that premiums have
consistently increased in the face of minimal
competition.
However, the NASE feels that the state
regulatory climate plays an even more critical
role in keeping costs high and impairing
competition. State mandates on coverage in
all markets increase the cost of basic health
coverage between from a little less than 20%
to more than 50% depending on the state.
The Council for Affordable Health Insurance
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has identified that there are currently over
1,600 mandates in our health care system.
While mandates can make health insurance
more comprehensive, they also make it more
expensive by requiring insurers to pay for
certain health services that consumers
previously funded out of their own pockets.
It is likely that insurers will push that added
mandate cost into premium rates. The cost
that excessive mandates add to health
coverage can mean the difference between a
micro-business owner just purchasing
coverage for himself or also providing it to
his employees. Additionally, the regulatory
and statutory conditions in states have
created barriers that make it difficult for new
carriers and new products to expand into
markets. Without new carriers or competing
insurance products, price will remain high
when one insurance carrier dominates a
market.
Micro-business owners have long been a
proponent of market-based solutions for
dealing with our health care system.
However, ‘‘competition without competitors
will not deliver the desired incentives for
health care improvement.’’ (Health Affairs,
Volume 23, Number 6) We must increase
competition in the small group market to
encourage lower premium costs which will
spur micro-businesses to seek to expand
coverage to their employees. We must
address excessive state mandates and
restrictive climates hurting innovation.
Additionally the NASE urges Congress to
address the disparities in the individual
market since the majority of self-employed
business owners are purchasing individual
health insurance. Currently there are over 20
million non employer firms, in which the
owner must seek health coverage on the
individual market. Thus, addressing the
inequitable tax treatment of health insurance
for those purchasing coverage on their own
will also be a key step forward to increasing
access to health coverage.
The self-employed and micro-business
community continues to be the backbone of
our nation’s economy, therefore the NASE
urges you to take immediate action to
alleviate the massive health cost burden laid
at their feet in order to ensure their survival
and that of our nation’s economy.
Statement of the American Academy of
Family Physicians
Submitted to the Committee on Small
Business Concerning the Impact of Health
Insurance Consolidation on Small Business
Presented By James D. King, MD, FAAFP,
President
October 25, 2007.
Thank you, Chairwoman Velazguez and
Rep. Chabot. and the members of the Small
Business Committee for the opportunity to
participate in this hearing today. On behalf
of the 93,800 members of the American
Academy of Family Physicians, we applaud
your deep concern for how the consolidation
of health insurance plans affects family
physicians as members of the small business
community, as professionals and as small
employers concerned about the effective
delivery of health care.
As described by the American Medical
Association, the merging and consolidation
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of health insurance plans has created a
profound imbalance adversely affecting the
ability of physicians to negotiate contracts
with insurers to the detriment of physician
practices. This, in turn, has led to the
inability of many of our patients to locate a
primary care physician who can accept their
insurance and still maintain financial
viability.
The trend toward consolidation is
persistent. The industry analysts of
investment bank Shattuck Hammond
reported that between 1992 and 2006, the
number of competitor consolidations resulted
In 95 different payers shrinking to merely
seven. According to the AMAs 2005 report
on Competition in Health Insurance, in 280
U.S. markets, 30 percent or more of HMO and
PPO lives are covered by the single largest
insurer in that market. Looking at the U.S. as
a whole, only two insurers cover a third of
all commercially insured lives. This market
concentration gives these health plans
excessive power in determining the
conditions of coverage, payment and
practice.
Effects on Family Physicians
How does this consolidation affect family
physicians? Let me give you just two
examples. In the Dallas/Fort Worth area, a 3physician group practice has a payer mix
consisting of principally three payers: 30
percent United Healthcare, 28 percent Blue
Cross and 18 percent Aetna. A solo physician
practice in Colorado has 60 percent of the
patients his practice insured by one
commercial payer, a situation that occurred
as a result of a merger.
As a result of similar concentrations of
payers, many family physicians in small or
solo practices have little leverage in their
negotiations with the health plans. As the
physician in Colorado noted when he
attempted to make the case for a payment
increase that at least would cover inflation,
he was told by the representative of a large
insurance company, As a solo physician, you
are the weakest economic unit and must take
what we decide to give.’’ Another family
physician noted that because small and solo
practices cannot compare financial data
before they sign a contract, they find out
afterwards that their payment rates are
substantially less than those of larger groups
that can negotiate better terms.
Further, health plans have no incentive to
accede to any of a physician’s requests when
the plan has the unilateral ability to remove
the physician from the network for not
agreeing to the terms of the contract and
effectively denying that physician’s patients
access to the practice. Physicians in this
situation have little choice but to sign
whatever contract is offered by the health
plans. Many practices find it financially
impossible to sacrifice a significant part of
their patient base to take a stand against
untenable contract provisions.
Declining Payment Rates and Terms of
Agreement
The health plans use this negotiating
power created by this pattern of
consolidation to dictate smaller payments
and onerous terms. In California, the mergers
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of PacitiCare Health Systems with United
Healthcare and WellPoint Health Networks/
Blue Cross of California with Anthem, Inc.
have produced fee cuts of as much as 20 to
30 percent. According to a California Medical
Association survey of 500 state medical
practices, 20 percent of 1,500 affiliated
physicians had terminated a Blue Cross
contract or planned to do so. By forcing
practices to accept these cuts or lose their
patients, health plans are making it more
difficult for patients to secure the health care
they need.
It is not only payment rates that cannot be
negotiated, but the terms of the agreement
cannot be challenged. Health plans affect
every segment of the practice of medicine
and compel treatment decisions; for example,
by requiring practices to use specific labs; by
determining which tests may be performed in
the office; by demanding the completion of
multiple-page forms that reduce the amount
of time a physician has available for treating
patients; and by delaying payments by
requiring responses to seemingly endless
trails of questions.
These requirements may enhance the
profits of the insurer but they create
significant burdens for practices and patients.
For example, a family physician in practice
outside a metropolitan area in Ohio contracts
with a health insurer who changed its
national laboratory arrangement that
originally included two companies down to
a single, exclusive laboratory arrangement.
This change caused the insurer’s enrollees to
drive to the local hospital for lab services
rather than walk across the hail from the
physician’s office to a duly qualified
reference lab. If the physician had referred
the patients to the non-participating lab
across the halt, he or she could have faced
fines by the payer.
Increased Un-Reimbursed Administrative
Responsibilities
The insurance plans that have a large
segment of the patient population also pass
back to the physician practice many of their
administrative responsibilities. According to
a family medicine office manager, each
radiology notification and authorization
request now takes an average of up to ten
minutes to perform with a physician peer-topeer request adding another 10 minutes.
Another physician in Arizona reported that
these authorizations can often take at least 40
minutes per procedure to receive approval
from the insurance plan. These
administrative activities are not reimbursed
by the health plan and so they have no
incentive to become more efficient. The
physician, in turn, is required to comply with
time-consuming health plan requirements
that riot only are unpaid but are increasing
in a period of declining overall
reimbursement.
Unilateral Contract Changes
Many contracts allow the health plan to
unilaterally change the contract terms at any
time, without notifying the physician, simply
by posting the amended terms on the
insurer’s web site. Some contracts
specifically forbid the physician from
disclosing information about the fees that the
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insurer pays to the physician, making it
impossible for these physicians to inform
patients about their out-of-pocket
responsibility for deductible amounts under
their policy. Few contracts provide
physicians with payment terms spelling out
how the fee schedule Will be calculated The
result is more primary care physicians are
driven into other care settings, such as
Emergency Rooms or cash-only practices, or
they leave health care altogether due to these
negative contract conditions, excessive
administrative requirements and downward
pressure on their already slim margins.
Effect on Students and Residents
These contract imbalances concern not just
the physician in practice now who is
struggling to keep her business open but also
the student who is looking at career options
and deciding whether primary care offers a
stable future. The number of medical
students choosing family medicine and
primary care has been declining for several
years. Medical student debt averages over
$200,000 upon graduation and the potential
earnings has a strong effect on the student’s
choice of specialty. Patients’ access to
primary care will ultimately be reduced as
more medical students choose nonprimary
care residencies because of the financial
uncertainty and instability of the current
situation.
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Effect on Small Business Community
It is important to note that the result of
health plan mergers and consolidation is not
the achievement of economies of scale that
might be expected. Such economies would
produce lower consumer premiums, which
would make it possible for more small
businesses, including small medical
practices, to afford to offer health insurance
to their employees. Instead, consolidation
produces larger insurance companies
wielding the kind of power and influence
that leaves physicians helpless and
frustrated. As a result, small businesses are
not offered more affordable prices for their
employees’ health plans but rather fewer
choices of physicians who will accept the
plans that are offered.
Effect on Patients
The payment rates that the health plans
dictate are unrelated to the quality of care
that the physician provides to their patients.
A family physician in Arizona notes that he
has been honored several times as the best
physician in the state and has over 100 other
physicians among his patients. He receives
the highest rating possible from his health
plans for both quality and efficiency.
Nevertheless, he is taking more than
$100,000 out of his savings each year to stay
in practice because he is unable to negotiate
higher payment rates with the insurance
companies. This situation is not only
unfortunate, but it is also clearly
unsustainable, If he is forced to close his
practice, his patients will have lost that longstanding source of high-quality treatment,
care coordination and preventive services in
which they have place their faith and trust
and upon which they have retied and
depended. This is a sad statement of how we
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as a nation have allowed our health care
priorities to be contaminated
Effect on Quality
Finally, the most serious effect of this rapid
consolidation is to undermine the great
potential for efficiency and quality
improvement offered by what we are calling
the patient-centered medical home. As
proposed by family medicine, internal
medicine, pediatrics and the osteopathic
primary care physicians, the medical home is
the practice that has been transformed to
offer comprehensive, continuous,
coordinated care. Experience with health
systems based on primary care that exist in
other industrialized nations amply
demonstrates the value of a medical home.
These practices provide guidance, assistance
and responsiveness to patients navigating an
increasingly complex health care system. But
the patient-centered medical home depends
on a long-term relationship between the
physician and the patient, which is
threatened and possibly destroyed if an
insurance company dictates the terms of
practice of medicine and preempts the
patient’s freedom of choice.
Conclusion
The AAFP recommends changes in
existing anti-trust laws that will provide
physicians with tools thai allow them to be
true market participants. The current antitrust laws were established during a very
different competitive environment. Under
these outmoded laws, physicians are barred
from discussing the financial aspects of their
practice with any entity unrelated to their
practice, yet it is ciear that insurance
companies ‘‘price to the mean’’ which is how
the natural competitive forces are supposed
to work and is what creates a dynamic
market. Small and solo practice primary care
physicians are excluded from that very basic
business condition while market share and
shear economic strength foster these near
monopolistic insurer behaviors.
Again, AAFP commends the committee for
highlighting the issues resulting from health
insurance consolidation. Family physicians,
many of whom provide health care in small
and solo practices in rural and other
underserved areas, feel the effects of
insurance consotidation by trying to
negotiate in a very disadvantageous
environment. The Academy would like to
work with all stakeholders to ensure a path
to an improved health care system that puts
the patient first and supports the
sustainability of a practice that delivers high
quality primary care; toward a system that
places an emphasis on personalized,
coordinated, primary care and that enables
such patient-centered practices to fairly
compete. One step in this direction would be
to enact common sense changes that would
modernize anti-trust laws to better support
small business medical practices and to
enable them to negotiate contracts with
insurers from a position of equality.
Thank you for the opportunity to provide
this testimony and I look forward to
answering your questions.
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Statement of James R. Office, Vice President
and General CounselVictory Wholesale
Group Springboro, OH
On Health Insurance Consolidation—The
Impact on Small Business
Before the Committee on Small Business,
U.S. House of Representatives, United
States Congress
October 25, 2007.
Victory Wholesale Group (‘‘Victory’’)
appreciates the opportunity to submit these
comments. The rising and out-of-control
increase in health costs, which are largely
due to consolidations in the health care
industry, is a very important subject to us
and every other small business across
America. One of Victory’s largest expenses is
for the health care coverage it provides to all
its employees, who are called associates.
About Victory Wholesale Group
Victory is a group of family owned,
separate companies; the first established in
1979. Our businesses include: a wholesale
distributor of dry grocery, health and beauty
care and general merchandise, with 83
employees in Ohio, 24 in Florida, 6 in
Nevada, 10 in California and 17 people in 13
other states; a food marketing company with
6 people in Connecticut and 24 employees in
12 other states; a public warehousing
business with 104 employees in two Ohio
locations; a contract packaging business with
17 Ohio employees; an interstate trucking
company with 4 Florida, 27 Ohio and 9
employees in 5 other states; a pharmaceutical
wholesale distributor with 100 employees in
Puerto Rico; a fundraising gift distributor
with 16 New York employees and a
promotional item distributor with 5 Ohio
employees.
Victory’s Health Insurance Benefits
Health insurance is the largest and most
costly benefit that each of Victory’s
companies provides its associates. Insurance
type’s range from self-insured health plans,
governed under ERISA, to fully insured
health plans provided by large regional
health insurers. Our companies maintain
multiple health care programs, to help reduce
costs and foster competition among
providers, because of the widely dispersed
locations of our business operations and the
regional nature of health insurance providers
and their support networks.
Why Victory Maintains Different Health
Plans and Victory’s Experience
Because Victory has employees and
operations across the country, we’ve been
unable to find a single, affordable health care
plan that will cover all our separate
businesses and associates. Over the years
Victory has tried different types of health
plans including: self-insured and fullyinsured, including PPO’s and HMO’s. Our
objective is to provide a valuable and quality
health benefit that allows associates as much
free choice in selecting health care providers
as reasonably possible while also controlling
costs for everyone.
It has been Victory’s experience, that if a
health plan has one, or more, participants
with a serious or major health condition its
competitive choices and alternatives
disappear, and its premiums are increased.
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Also we have found that the deepest and
best discounts are offered through regional
providers and networks of preferred
providers that have hospitals, doctors and
other health care service providers, that
combine into a single entity to provide health
plans with agreed pricing or discounts in
exchange for the health plan steering its
employees to the network. Networks are
either regional with large numbers of local
doctors and hospitals as members, or
national with more limited numbers of
doctors and hospitals, or that offer smaller
discounts.
We find that controlling health care costs
is nearly impossible; that the health care
industry is both fragmented, yet
concentrated. It’s loaded with administrative
costs, it’s inefficient, it’s not measured or
accountable for quality or value. In the
present system the best way to control costs
is to have only young, healthy employees.
Consolidation and affiliation of hospital
and physician groups standardizes patient
medical information and makes it available
and easily accessible to all affiliated
providers that may treat the patient; but on
the negative side, it creates a concentrated
front to impose increases on health insurers
or to resist providing discounts.
We find that insurance carriers’ quotes end
up largely ‘‘experience rating’’ our group’s
claims experience. That means they take our
actual costs, add the insurance company’s
overhead and their desired profit and that is
the premium we are quoted. We can’t find
plans that cover all our locations with any
meaningful provider’s networks or discounts.
Thus we are forced to shop on a local basis
from a limited number of carriers for separate
groups with small numbers of employees.
Further, we found that in most of the
regions in which we sought quotes there
were only one or two dominant insurers that
essentially controlled each local market. And
to make matters worse, those regions also
were dominated by one or two major hospital
and physicians affiliated groups.
Additionally, we found that some carriers,
through pricing, force small businesses to
take a pre-set benefit or networks. We have
found that changing networks can be very
disruptive to employees and their families
(and company administration). Changing a
network might require a participant to find
new doctors and go to hospitals that they are
unfamiliar with. In designing our benefits we
try to the extent possible to minimize
disruptions to our associates’ choice of
providers.
We were faced with increasing cost, less
choice, multiple plans and a whole bunch of
administrative problems managing the
programs. Today’s health care system is
largely a pass though of all costs to
employers and individual participants/
insureds.
We have learned that sometimes an
insurance carrier will ‘‘buy market share’’ by
offering low prices to new groups and then
dramatically increase premiums or change
the benefits on renewals. When an insurer
‘‘buys a market’’ through price discounts, it
often chases competition out of the market
thus allowing the insurer to later increase
prices without opposition.
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As most small businesses can attest, in a
year following any significant claim(s), it
becomes virtually impossible to switch
providers or to receive competitive quotes at
renewal. Even with competition, in the
regions where we have operations, we find
they are dominated by only two large
carriers; thus limiting our choices because
both carriers were expensive, only one was
more so.
Consolidation in Southwest Ohio
We have a large number of associates in
Southwest Ohio (Cincinnati and Dayton,
areas). Once there were a number of
independent physician practices and
independent hospitals. Over the past 15
years, through several consolidations, we
found that Dayton’s five primary hospitals
became essentially two through affiliations
(excluding Children’s Medical Center).
For more than a year recently, one major
hospital in Dayton (and the physicians who
maintained privileges only at that hospital)
refused to accept the pricing the larger of
only two regional health insurers was
demanding. So, the two entities parted ways.
Our associates living in the neighborhoods
surrounding that hospital were forced to find
new doctors and use new hospitals on the
other side of town. Our choices and those of
other small businesses during that year were
further reduced because the other big
regional health insurer did not cover a major
portion of the geographic region in which our
employees lived. As employers, we faced the
additional disruption that employees go
through when they were forced to use new
doctors and hospitals outside their own
neighborhoods.
In Cincinnati a similar thing happened. 13
Hospitals became 3 through affiliations
(excluding Children’s). In both regions
physician practices were purchased,
consolidated and affiliated with one of the
large hospital affiliated groups and now they
are large enough to stand up to the insurers
in the area and resist pricing pressures.
Throughout Southwest Ohio, the few large
hospital and affiliated physician groups have
been successful at increasing their prices by
threatening to again ‘‘kick out’’ one or both
of the only two very large regional health
insurance companies that wanted discounts
or reduced increases. This was at the expense
of the employees of small businesses in the
entire area that have been forced to pay the
higher rates. Small businesses lack the
necessary clout to use against either the
medical providers or insurers.
The message remains the same, small
businesses’ choices are reduced and prices
are increased without any meaningful
competition. The market today for small
business health insurance is essentially ‘‘take
it or leave it.’’
Don’t Underestimate the Impact of
Discriminatory Underwriting in the Small
Business Market
Another phenomenon that we now face is
that our insurance carriers engage in
discriminatory pricing and/or coverages. In
years when our associates and their families
were generally healthy our premiums rose
consistent with reported national average
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increases. However, in recent years we’ve
had some associates with serious health
problems. In the case of our fully insured
plans, our premiums have increased well
beyond the national averages and we have
been unable to get competitive insurers to
quote the group. (Examples of serious health
problems include: organ transplants, heart
problems, cancer, stroke, aneurysms,
premature childbirth and conditions that can
be treated with very expensive drugs such as
MS (Victory has seen pharmaceuticals
costing as much as $20,000 per month).
In our self-insured health plans, our excess
insurers would simply delete the ill
participant from our group (it’s called
‘‘lasering out’’ a patient or condition). For
example, the premium for our excess
insurance would still increase. In addition,
the carrier would tell Victory that we would
have to cover the first $50,000 or $75,000 of
a particular individual’s health costs. Again,
while we might get quotes from excess
carriers, we found that they all generally
behave the same as it relates to individuals
facing serious health problems. I would
describe this concept as insurance companies
only wanting to insure healthy groups.
One of Victory’s smaller businesses has a
number of older associates with many of the
ailments that go along with age and they are
paying a higher premium than any of our
other groups. This particular business
employs fewer than 20 associates and it is
stuck with our incumbent regional carrier.
Whenever we can get quotes from carriers
willing to quote this group, they are always
higher, or exclude afflicted associates or they
adjust the benefits to include unreasonable
limitations on benefits—such as a 40% copayment on non-formulary brand name drugs
without any cap. If an associate has MS and
their medications costs $5,000 month, 40%
would be $2,000 a month. That cost is simply
not affordable so the treatment is
discontinued or less effective treatments are
used.
We have found that even former associates
electing coverage under COBRA can and do
have an impact on health insurance costs if
the individual has a serious health condition.
Former associates who have existing medical
problems often find they have no choice but
to continue with coverage under COBRA
because they are unable to obtain affordable
health insurance elsewhere. Consolidation in
the industry has compounded the problem,
by reducing the number of available insurers
to whom an individual can even apply for
coverage.
Another unexplained phenomenon is that
if a group is turned down or priced by one
carrier at a premium, it seems like every
other carrier in the region somehow learns of
this which makes it more difficult to find
alternatives.
Victory has also seen a number of conflicts
in the industry that are generally hidden
from its insureds. For example one of our
PPO networks receives undisclosed
payments from the doctors and hospitals that
are subscribers. When we inquired as to why
they received these payments, and whether
these payments were passed though to
Victory by way of discounts, we were unable
to get an answer. It was strongly suggested by
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our broker not to push the issue. Are these
payments made to keep the network from
demanding deeper discounts? What about
hospital and treatment centers that are
owned by physicians. Why are these
arrangements hidden? In the end they can
stifle competition, cost and choice.
Victory’s experience is that the health
insurance industry covertly or otherwise
discriminates against small business and
individuals that have significant health
problems. Small businesses have no market
power or advocate for the wrongful conduct,
so large and powerful regional health
insurance and hospital/physician affiliates
stand to lose nothing by engaging in this
conduct.
How do small businesses control health care
costs today?
Unfortunately this proves to be an exercise
of the lesser of a number of evils, few that
the small business can control. Each year at
our annual health insurance renewals, we get
a quote from our broker that first shows the
price of keeping the same health benefits for
the upcoming year. From an employer
standpoint this is the least disruptive to the
employees and their families (and business
administration). Unfortunately, in our
experience, this usually includes a cost
increase. So our broker then offers a series of
options to either keep the cost the same as
the previous year or reduce the increase in
cost for the upcoming year. These options
include:
• Increasing the amount of premium that
each associate pays;
• Increasing co-payments and/or
deductibles;
• Impose charges on unhealthy lifestyles,
such as smoking or obesity premiums;
• Reduce and/or eliminate benefits;
• Modifying benefits and provide financial
incentives (or disincentives as the case may
be) to use modified benefits 1;
• Be very selective in hiring employees—
i.e. hire only healthy employees 2;
• Incorporate a Health Savings Account or
Health Reimbursement Account into the plan
design (higher deductible and lower
benefits); and/or
• Eliminate offering employer provided
health insurance.
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Conclusion
Historically small businesses make up the
backbone of our nation’s employers.
1 For example, last week in our annual health
insurance renewal, our broker suggested that we
encourage our associates to have elective surgical
procedures performed overseas. We were advised
that even paying for travel for two, treatment and
recovery at what was described as Four Seasons like
heath care facilities that cater to westerners; we
would save tens of thousands on elective surgical
procedures. We were informed, for example, that a
single knee replacement that costs approximately
$30,000 in the Midwest would cost under $5,000
inclusive of travel for two in Singapore. Victory is
not ready to mandate its associates travel thousands
of miles and away from their families and loved
ones to obtain health care, however it is difficult
not to seriously consider the potential savings.
2 Victory doesn’t engage in, support or condone
this practice; however, we understand that the
practice is not uncommon.
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Collectively small businesses employ the
largest number of people in the U.S. Yet,
because each company is small, we have
almost no market clout to help bring changes
into the health care system. For
improvements we must depend on you in the
Congress.
Reduced competition in health care at the
insurer level or the provider level has
increased the costs of health care to Victory
and its employee-associates as well as those
of other small businesses. Solutions must
include some meaningful competition.
Pooling and sharing of risks without selective
health screening, will advance competitive
pricing. Keeping a multiple payer and
provider system gives greater flexibility to
experiment and discover ways to improve
our health care system, A single payor or
socialized plan will put all of our nation’s
eggs in one basket, which certainly disfavors
innovation and experimentation. On paper
our present system should work, but because
of inefficiencies and gaming, it doesn’t.
Victory appreciates the Committee on
Small Business review of this important issue
and the opportunity to present its views on
the topic. We thank you for the invitation to
present our views. We hope that the
Committee and U.S. Congress will take our
comments along with the comments from
fellow panel members and others, seriously
and not make this just another political battle
without substantive change. Small business
and the tens of millions of their employees,
and your constituents will suffer.
The problems are complex and involve a
large number of interested parties; political
pressure will be exerted by the well-funded.
Let’s work toward a solution and show the
world that we can not only put humans on
the moon, but we have the intelligence and
creativity to fix a broken, expensive and
complex system of delivering health care.
Testimony of Greg Scandlen, President,
Consumers for Health Care Choices
‘‘Health Insurer Consolidation: The Impact
on Small Business’’
Committee on Small Business, United States
House of Representatives
October 25, 2007.
Madam Chairman, and Members of the
Committee,
Thank you for the opportunity to share
some thoughts with you today about the
problems created by excess concentration in
the health insurance market.
I am Greg Scandlen. I am the founder and
president of Consumers for Health Care
Choices, a national, non-profit and nonpartisan membership organization with
members in 44 states. I have been in health
policy since 1979 when I was hired by Blue
Cross Blue Shield of Maine to rewrite their
contracts in plain language. I spent 12 years
in the Blue Cross Blue Shield system,
including 8 years with the national
association where I was responsible for state
government relations, including being liaison
with the National Association of Insurance
Commissioners, National Governors’
Association, National Conference of State
Legislatures, and other organizations of state
officials.
I left the Blues in 1991 to organize a trade
association of smaller insurance companies,
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the Council for Affordable Health Insurance.
I ran that organization for five years and left
to become a consultant and a researcher for
several national think tanks.
I applaud this committee for its longstanding interest in the health insurance
market, especially for small employers. For
many years surveys have shown there is no
greater issue weighing on the minds of small
business owners, but now we are seeing that
the issue has gone from being a worry of
business owners to a crisis in health policy
as fewer employers are able to offer coverage
at all. The latest Kaiser Family Foundation
survey (available at https://www.kff.org/
insurance/7672/index.cfm) found that the
percentage of the smallest employers (with
3–9 employees) offering any coverage has
dropped from 57% in 2000 to 45% today.
This fall-off of enrollment is usually
attributed simply to rising costs, but I think
it is deeper than that. I think both employers
and employees look at the health insurance
market and find products and services that
are over-priced, inefficient, unaccountable,
inconvenient, and incomprehensible. They
simply do not find value here and they don’t
see many available alternatives.
This indifference to customer needs and
preferences is characteristic of noncompetitive markets. Vendors see little need
to innovate, cut costs, improve services, or
simplify processes because everyone else is
offering the exact same product at the exact
same price. Customers are stuck.
The Consequences of Excessive Regulation
This non-competitive market is not an
accident of history and it is not inherent in
health insurance. I was closely involved in
the small group reform efforts of the
NationalAssociation of Insurance
Commissioners (NAIC) in the late 1980s. I
knew the commissioners and the staff of the
committees that developed the NAIC’s model
laws and regulations quite well, and they
were very explicit about their intentions.
They said at the time the reforms they were
proposing would do nothing to lower costs
or increase access. All they wanted to do was
‘‘stabilize the market.’’ In their view, the
small group market was suffering from an
excess of competition that was confusing to
purchasers. They thought it would be better
if there were only three or four competing
companies in each state.
They have been wildly successful. In my
state of Maryland there are now just two
companies controlling 90% of the small
group market. Options are few and prices are
high. Individual coverage is a far better deal
in Maryland, and in most other states, than
small group coverage. That is part of the
reason small employers are dropping group
coverage—they and their employees can get
a better deal with individual insurance.
The regulations imposed on the small
group market included some that were later
made industry-wide by Congress when it
enacted HIPAA. but also a host of other
regulations that discouraged participation in
this market—rating restrictions, underwriting
restrictions, minimum participation and
employer contribution requirements, bans on
list billing, standardized benefit designs,
requirements on provider participation,
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claims approval and claims review
requirements, capitalization and reserve
requirements, investment restrictions,
minimum loss-ratio standards, market
conduct requirements, and of course, statemandated benefits.
All of these regulations, however wellintentioned, add to the cost of coverage.
Moreover, many carriers found it expensive
and difficult to comply with all the varying
requirements of many different states,
especially as the requirements changed from
year to year. As a consequence, many carriers
decided to get out of the health business and
sold off their blocks of business to larger
carriers who could afford the compliance
costs. This is the primary cause of
concentration in this market.
Is Concentration a Good Thing?
Now, some people will argue that this
concentration is a good thing, but these
arguments are based on a poor understanding
of insurance markets. Let me explain.
Risk Pooling
People often argue that the purpose of
insurance is to pool risks, so the bigger the
carrier, the better. Too much competition,
they say. ‘‘segments the market’’ and loses
the benefit of the pooling mechanism.
Risk pooling is indeed an essential
function of insurance, but all of the benefits
of pooling are achieved with a relatively
small number of people. The optimal size of
a risk pool is frequently debated among
actuaries and depends on a host of factors
(See, for instance, www.sonoma-county.org/
health/ph/mmc/pdf/models.pdf), but most of
the beneficial effects of pooling can be
achieved with as few as 25,000 covered lives.
It is simply not the case that bigger pools are
better.
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Economies of Scale
Similarly, people argue that bigger is better
to achieve economies of scale. Fixed costs
can be spread across a larger population,
lowering the cost to each individual.
Again, the argument is valid—as far as it
goes. But at a certain point there will also be
dis-economies of scale and managerial
inefficiency. Where that point is, is open to
debate. The graphic below is taken from Risk
Pooling in Health Care Financing: The
Implications for Health System Performance,
by Peter C. Smith and Sophie N. Witter, both
of the Centre for Health Economics at the
University of York, York, UK, and published
by the World Bank in 2004 (available at
https://extsearch.worldbank.org/servlet/
SiteSearchServlet?q=risk%20pooling).
It illustrates two things:
1. The advantage of risk pooling levels off
at a certain number of covered lives;
2. There are substantial dis-economies of
scale beyond a certain number.
QuickTimeTM and a TIFF (LZW)
decompressor are needed to see this picture.
Adverse Selection
Finally, people will argue that having a
wide selection of health coverage choices
invites ‘‘adverse selection,’’ that is, people of
like-risks will segment themselves into
different health plans, with the healthiest
going into one with minimal benefits and the
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sickest going into the one with the richest
benefits. They say it would be fairer to allow
only rich benefits so that the healthy will
subsidize the preferences of the ill.
Certainly selection happens but it can be
manageable, as we have seen with FEHBP.
Plus, the flip side of adverse selection is
moral hazard. If it is true that high-risk
people will select the richest benefit
programs, it is also true that low-risk people
who are placed into rich benefits programs
will use more health care services than they
otherwise would, raising the costs of
coverage for all. In either case, the presence
of insurance distorts normal consumer
behavior. ‘‘Fairness’’ is not served by forcing
people to purchase benefits they have no use
for, and that is one of the reasons so many
small employers are not buying coverage at
all.
Innovation Needed
These criticisms all assume that there is a
single type of health insurance coverage that
is most suitable for all people, but as Clark
Havighurst and his colleagues at the Duke
Law School have found, the type of
comprehensive coverage that is most
common today is aimed at the well-educated
elite and is in fact subsidized by lowerincome working people who derive little
value from the coverage. In a recent special
edition of Law and Contemporary Problems,
(available at https://www. law.duke.edu/
journals/journaltoc?journal=lcp&toc=
lcptoc69autumn2006.htm). Mr. Havighurst
says, ‘‘lower-income insureds get less out of
their employer’s health plans than their
higher-income coworkers despite paying the
same premiums.’’ He argues that overregulation prohibits the offering of more
modest benefit packages that would have
greater appeal to the same lower-income
workers who have little ability to influence
the regulators. He adds that the current
system ‘‘greatly amplifies price-gouging
opportunities for health care firms with
monopoly power.’’
One exception to this situation has been
the introduction of Health Savings Accounts
(1–ISAs), a very modest innovation that
appeals to some segments of the market that
did not find value in comprehensive
coverage. By some measures, between 30
percent and 40 percent of the non-group and
small group purchasers of HSAs were
previously uninsured (see, for example,
HSAs and Account-Based Plans: An
Overview of Preliminary Research, 6/28/
2006, available at https://
www.ahipresearch.org/), suggesting that they
did not find value in the comprehensive
plans that used to be the only option.
But HSAs are only one small example of
the potential for innovation in the benefits
market. Another can be found within the
Medicare program. Medicare’s Special Needs
Plans (SPNs) have had very promising
success in designing benefits specifically for
subsets of beneficiaries, such as people with
chronic conditions. (See, for example,
Managed Healthcare Executive, ‘‘Medicare
Advantage Plans establish SNPs to provide
care to dual eligibles, high-risk patients,’’
https://mhe.adv100.com/mhe/article/article
Detail.jsp?id=322943). This is a major
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departure from conventional practice where
health plans typically try to avoid high-risk
people with costly conditions. These Special
Needs Plans welcome them and design
benefits for them that will lower the cost of
their care.
Another potential innovation was designed
by a recently deceased member of my
organization, James Pendleton, MD. The
‘‘Pendleton Plan’’ (available at https://
www.chcchoices.org/articles.html) is aimed
at costly hospital inpatient care. It is like a
Schedule of Allowances benefit structure
based on average hospital costs in an area,
but it also includes graduated co-payments or
rebates if the patient chooses a facility that
is more or less expensive than the average.
This plan has not yet been brought to market,
but several insurers are interested in it and
may try it out on a demonstration basis.
I am familiar with several other
entrepreneurs who are working on unique
benefit designs and trying to raise the capital
to turn these ideas into reality. But they are
discovering very significant barriers to entry
in the small group market imposed by the
regulatory system. They are likely to focus
instead on the large group market that has
relatively few regulatory barriers at this time.
Creating a More Competitive Market for
Small Group Coverage
There is a lot that has to be done to restore
competition in health insurance. Anti-trust
enforcement is one aspect, and my
organization was concerned enough about
the recent United/Sierra merger in Nevada to
ask the Department of Justice to reject the
merger. In our letter to the Attorney General
(March 26, 2007) we wrote:
We have no opinion about the companies
themselves. Whether they are good or bad or
something in between is irrelevant to us. The
question to us is solely whether this merger
increases or decreases competition and
consumer choice. This is the same standard
we would apply to any other merger
proposal, between hospitals, between
pharmaceutical manufacturers, or any other
aspect of the health care system.
Consumers need more choices, not fewer.
There is already far too much concentration
in the hands of a few giant players in health
care. Greater concentration means less
competition and that is bad for consumers.
Indeed, concentration is rife throughout
the health care system with mergers of not
only insurers, but hospitals and
pharmaceutical companies as well.
The health plans will argue they need to
become more concentrated to deal with the
rising concentration of these other actors. But
hospitals argue they need to merge to deal
with the rising concentration of the carriers.
It is a spiral that is quickly leading to nearmonopolization throughout health care, to
the detriment of individual consumers.
Anti-trust action can forestall the most
egregious of these mergers, but anti-trust does
not create new competitors or encourage
innovation if the artificial barriers to entry
are high and the regulatory environment
unfavorable, Indeed, anti-trust cannot
prevent a company from going out of
business in an unprofitable climate.
We also do not expect many states to relax
their regulatory burdens. Some have, but it is
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unusual for legislatures to admit errors and
repeal laws. Plus, most of these regulations
have constituencies that will tight to retain
them. These constituents often include the
remaining health plans that enjoy their nearmonopoly position and do not want to
encourage new competitors.
That leaves only two courses of action for
Congress.
1. Allow the interstate purchase of health
insurance. States would continue to regulate
their domestic carriers, but buyers would be
able to purchase coverage from any licensed
carrier in the United States. Congressman
John Shadegg sponsored legislation (H.R.
2355) in the last Congress to do just this.
Small business owners would be able to
purchase coverage according to, not only the
reputation and integrity of the insurance
company, but also the set of regulations that
apply to it.
2. Create an alternative federal charter that
carriers could choose to operate within. This
would be like the current banking system
where banks can choose to be state chartered
or federally chartered. A state chartered
insurance company would be confined to
operating within that state, but a federally
chartered company could operate anywhere
within the United States.
In either case, Congress would restore the
intent of the interstate Commerce Clause of
the Constitution, which vested the regulation
of interstate commerce solely in Congress.
Congress ceded its authonty to the states in
1946 when it enacted the McCarran-Ferguson
Act, but there is no reason Congress cannot
reclaim some or all of that authority, as it did
when it enacted ERISA in 1974.
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Conclusion
The small group market for health
insurance has become dysfunctional over the
past twenty years. Excessive regulations,
though well-intentioned, have resulted in
oligopoly conditions that have led to higher
prices, poorer services, and very few choices.
Consumer choice is meaningful only when
there is a wide variety of products, services,
and vendors from which to choose. We
desperately need vigorous competition
throughout the health care system to restore
market discipline and encourage innovation.
Congressional remedies are limited, but are
needed because the states have failed to get
the job done.
Statement of Consumer Federation of
America, Consumers Union, and US PIRG
To the Committee on Small Business, United
States House of Representatives, Regarding
Health Insurer Consolidation
October 25, 2007.
Consumer Federation of America,
Consumers Union, and US PIRG (‘‘consumer
groups’’) appreciate the opportunity to
present our views to the Committee on Small
Business on health insurer consolidation. We
commend the Committee for holding this
hearing and for its efforts in identifying
ongoing conduct that may harm the
competitive marketplace. This hearing puts a
spotlight on issues critical to consumers and
small businesses throughout the United
States. An unabated flood of health insurance
mergers has led to highly concentrated
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markets, higher premiums, and lower
reimbursement. Skyrocketing premiums have
put insurance out of reach for millions of
consumers and the number of uninsured
Americans has increased to critical levels:
over 89 million or one out of three Americans
under age 65.1 As consumers have suffered
from egregious deceptive and anticompetitive
conduct by insurance companies, those
companies have recorded record profits. The
problems presented could not be more stark
or have a more severe impact on consumers.
In the past decade there have been over
400 health insurer mergers and in only two
cases has the Department of Justice brought
any enforcement action. The Justice
Department has not brought any cases
challenging anticompetitive conduct by
health insurers, even though numerous
private plaintiffs and State Attorneys
Generals have challenged this type of
conduct. In effect, the insurance companies
have gained a newly found ‘‘antitrust
immunity.’’
The consequences of lax enforcement for
consumers are clear. The American Medical
Association reports that 95% of insurance
markets in the United States are now highly
concentrated and the number of insurers has
fallen by just under 20% since 2000. These
mergers have not led to benefits for
consumers: instead premiums have
skyrocketed, increasing over 87 percent over
the past six years. Patient care has been
compromised by the over-aggressive efforts of
supposed managed care, and the number of
uninsured Americans has reached record
levels.
A vital component to assuring the
competitive marketplace is protecting the
ability of consumers to choose between
alternatives. Antitrust enforcement against
anticompetitive mergers and exclusionary
conduct is essential to a competitive
marketplace. This unprecedented level of
concentration and the lack of antitrust
enforcement pose serious policy and health
care concerns. As Vermont Senator Patrick
Leahy observed in Hearings before the Senate
Judiciary Committee last year on health
insurance consolidation:
a concentrated market does reduce
competition and puts control in the
hands of only a few powerful players.
Consumers—in this case patients—are
ultimately the ones who suffer from this
concentration. As consumers of health
care services, we suffer in the form of
higher prices and fewer choices.2
Congress is currently grappling with the
severe problems of the uninsured. The
number who have been uninsured for some
period in any two year period has increased
by over 17 million since 2001 and now
amounts to over 89 million Americans. The
reason is simple: the cost of health insurance
has outstripped the pocketbooks of both
consumers and small businesses.3 Premiums
for both job-based and individual health
1 See Wrong Direction: One out of Three
Americans are Uninsured (Families USA 2007).
2 Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy, Hearing on
‘‘Examining Competition in Group Health Care’’
U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary (Sept. 6,
2006).
3 Families USA study at fn 1.
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49863
insurance have risen rapidly over the past
seven years and have increased by doubledigit amounts annually since 2001.
Moreover, these rising premiums have far
outstripped increases in worker earnings.
Between 2000 and 2006, premiums for jobbased health insurance increased by 73.8
percent, while median worker earnings rose
by only 11.6 percent.
There is a direct relationship between the
insurance consolidation and the
anticompetitive conduct engaged in by health
insurers, and the increasing problem of the
uninsured in the United States. Increased
concentration and a lack of enforcement has
led to skyrocketing premiums, higher
deductibles and higher co-pays. The most
severe problems occur simply when
employers or employees can no longer afford
insurance. Increasingly employers have been
forced to scale down insurance or drop
insurance altogether. Thus, the number of
uninsured individuals has hit a record level.
The lack of enforcement has created an
environment where the insurance companies
act as if they are immune from antitrust
scrutiny. This must be reversed.
As a first step, some of us have
recommended that the Antitrust Division of
the Department of Justice carefully scrutinize
United Healthcare’s acquisition of Sierra
Health, which, if approved, will lead to a
virtual monopoly in various health insurance
markets in Las Vegas. We have attached a
statement of the Consumer Federation of
America before the Nevada Commissioner of
Insurance on the United Healthcare/Sierra
Health merger, which articulates the types of
problems posed by increasing consolidation
in the health insurance industry.
Again, we welcome the attention of the
Committee to this important issue.
Testimony of David Balto, on Behalf of the
American Antitrust Institute and Consumer
Federation of America
Before the Nevada Commissioner of
Insurance on the United Health Group
Proposed Acquisition of Sierra Health
Services 1
(July 27, 2007)
I. Introduction
The American Antitrust Institute (‘‘AAI’’)
and Consumer Federation of America,
(‘‘consumer groups’’) appreciate this
opportunity to testify before the
Commissioner of Insurance on United Health
Group’s (‘‘United’’) proposed acquisition of
Sierra Health Services, Inc. (‘‘Sierra’’).2 As
1 I have practiced antitrust law for over 20 years,
primarily in the federal antitrust enforcement
agencies: the Antitrust Division of the Department
of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission. At the
FTC, I was attorney advisor to Chairman Robert
Pitofsky and directed the Policy shop of the Bureau
of Competition. Maria Patente, Washington College
of Law (Class of 2008), provided extensive
assistance in the preparation and research of the
testimony.
2 The American Antitrust Institute is an
independent Washington-based non-profit
education, research, and advocacy organization. Its
mission is to increase the role of competition,
assure that competition works in the interests of
consumers, and challenge abuses of concentrated
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detailed in our testimony based on our
preliminary review we strongly believe that
this acquisition will harm all Nevada health
insurance consumers, particularly those in
Clark County, through higher prices, less
service, and lower quality of care. The level
of concentration posed by this merger is
simply unprecedented: it is far greater than
in any merger approved by the Antitrust
Division of the U.S. Department of Justice
(‘‘DOJ’’) and would give United clear
monopoly power in Clark County.
In evaluating this merger under NRS
692C.210(1) the Commissioner of Insurance
must consider several factors including: (1)
whether ‘‘the effect of the acquisition would
be substantially to lessen competition in
insurance in Nevada or tend to create a
monopoly’’ and (2) whether if approved the
‘‘[a]cquisition would likely be harmful or
prejudicial to the members of the public who
purchase insurance.’’ As we explain below,
both of these factors counsel for denial of the
application. The merger creates a dominant
insurer, particularly in Clark County, with
the ability to raise premiums, reduce service
and quality and reduce compensation to
providers. It will clearly harm purchasers of
insurance who will pay more for service that
provides lower quality care.
This unprecedented level of concentration
raises important policy and health care
concerns relevant to the factors evaluated in
these Hearings. As Vermont Senator Patrick
Leahy observed in Hearings before the Senate
Judiciary Committee last year on health
insurance consolidation:
a concentrated market does reduce
competition and puts control in the hands of
only a few powerful players. Consumers—in
this case patients—are ultimately the ones
who suffer from this concentration. As
consumers of health care services, we suffer
in the form of higher prices and fewer
choices.3
Creating a dominant insurance provider
should be a profound concern in Nevada, a
state plagued with shortages of nurses,
doctors and other health care professionals.
This testimony, which is based solely on
public information, provides our preliminary
views that this merger would ‘‘substantially
lessen competition in insurance in Nevada or
tend to create monopoly’’ and ‘‘would likely
be harmful or prejudicial to the members of
the public who purchase insurance.’’ This
paper also addresses the United-Sierra
economic power in the American and world
economy. For more information, please see
www.antitrustinstitute.org. This testimony has been
approved by the AAI Board of Directors. A list of
contributors of $1,000 or more is available on
request. The Consumer Federation of America
(‘‘CFA’’) is the nation’s largest consumer-advocacy
group, composed of over 280 state and local
affiliates representing consumer, senior citizen, low
income, labor, farm, public power and cooperative
organizations, with more than 50 million individual
members. CFA represents consumer interests before
federal and state regulatory and legislative agencies
and participates in court proceedings. CFA has been
particularly active on antitrust issues affecting
health care.
3 Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy, Hearing on
‘‘Examining Competition in Group Health Care,’’
U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary (Sept. 6,
2006).
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merger in the context of the numerous
competitive imperfections and market
failures unique to the HMO and health
insurance industry and with respect to the
specific challenges facing Nevada’s health
care due to a serious shortage of doctors and
nurses.
II. Summary
The consumer groups urge the
Commissioner to focus on the following
issues:
• Will the United-Sierra merger
reduce competition for the provision of
health insurance to employers and
individuals seeking health coverage in
Nevada?Yes. Sierra is the largest HMO
provider in Nevada and United is the only
significant rival. The United-Sierra merger in
Nevada would give United an 80% market
share of all HMOs in Nevada and a 94%
market share of the HMO market in Clark
County. Although its market share is smaller
than Sierra’s, United has the potential for
significant growth in Nevada since its
acquisition of PacifiCare in 2005. Moreover,
the next largest HMO rival in Clark County
has only a 2% market share. The merger
would adversely affect a wide range of buyers
including small employers, governmental
and union purchasers.
• Will the United-Sierra merger
reduce competition for the provision of
services in the Medicare Advantage
program? Yes. Medicare is increasingly
turning to a managed care model.
Increasingly Medicare beneficiaries are
signing up for the Medicare Advantage
program which provides health care services
to beneficiaries in a managed care model.
The only current bidders for Medicare
advantage in Nevada are United and Sierra.
United is the largest Medicare Advantage
program in the U.S. The merger would create
a monopoly in the provision of services for
Medicare Advantage program resulting in a
lower level of care and higher prices.4
• Could the United-Sierra merger
increase the threat of monopsony power
and reduce access to medical care and
the quality of medical care in Nevada?
Yes. There is currently a significant and
chronic shortage of health care providers
including physicians and nurses in Nevada,
an understaffed region where health
professionals are forced to work overtime,
double-shifts, weekends, and holidays. This
merger will exacerbate those problems for
health care providers dependent upon the
merged firm. A combined United-Sierra can
reduce compensation resulting in a
diminution of service and quality of care. In
the past the DOJ has brought enforcement
actions because of concerns over monopsony
power where the market share exceeded
30%, a level clearly exceeded by this
acquisition. This merger may lead to a
4 A large number of the consumer complaints
filed with the Commissioner about this merger raise
concerns over the loss of competition in the
Medicare Advantage market. Many of these
complaints are from elderly beneficiaries who are
particularly vulnerable to anticompetitive conduct.
Over 30% of Nevada Medicare beneficiaries
subscribe to Medicare Advantage, one of the highest
enrollments of any state.
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significant reduction in reimbursement for
health care providers, leading to lower
service and quality of care.
• Will other insurance companies
readily enter the market (or expand) and
fully restore the competition lost from
the merger? No. In some cases it may be
unnecessary to challenge a merger if other
firms can readily enter a market to a
sufficient degree to avert the anticompetitive
effects of the merger. That is clearly not the
case for this market. As the DOJ has
recognized in other cases, barriers to entry in
the HMO market are extremely high due to
the extensive physician networks, technology
networks, and specialized medical
infrastructure that are essential to the
industry. Moreover, Nevada already faces a
serious shortage of both doctors and nurses,
and attracting a sufficient number of
personnel would pose a high barrier for a
new entity interested in providing HMO
plans in Nevada. There has been little
historical entry into the Nevada HMO
market, in spite of the growth of population.
Moreover, with a dominant United-Sierra, it
is highly unlikely a new entrant would
undertake the risk of new entry.
• Do the efficiencies from the UnitedSierra merger outweigh the
anticompetitive harms? No. The parties
have not proposed significant efficiencies
from this consolidation. If there were any
efficiencies they probably could be achieved
through internal growth, considering the
rapid population growth in Nevada.
Moreover, efficiencies should only be
included in the competition calculus if they
will result in lower prices or better service
to consumers. As a general matter,
efficiencies from health insurance mergers
have not been passed on to consumers.
Health insurance mergers have generally led
to increased subscriber premiums without
expansion of medical benefits. There is little
evidence if any that any efficiencies achieved
in the United-PacifiCare merger have resulted
in lower premiums or better service for
United or former PacifiCare subscribers.
Since the combined United-Sierra would
have a dominant market share post-merger it
is highly unlikely any savings would be
passed on to consumers.
• Would a divestiture or other
structural relief be sufficient to alleviate
the competitive problems raised by the
merger? No. The parties have not suggested
that they would be willing to divest assets to
solve the competitive concerns raised by the
merger. Even if they did the Commissioner
should be extremely skeptical of any
proposed relief. In the past the DOJ has
attempted to resolve competitive concerns
over some mergers by requiring the
divestiture of a certain number of contractual
arrangements in order to spur new entry.
These divestitures have been insufficient to
cure the competitive problems posed by
those mergers. A divestiture is even less
likely to resolve the competitive concerns in
this merger where the merged firm will
clearly be the dominant insurer in the
market.
• Would consumers be better off if the
Commissioner rejected the merger? Yes.
The ultimate antitrust question in evaluating
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any merger is what would happen ‘‘but for’’
this merger? What would happen to the
merging parties, consumers, and providers?
The answer in this case seems rather
transparent. United and Sierra are both
successful, financially sound, capable
companies that would continue to grow and
thrive. Through its acquisition of PacifiCare,
United established an important beachhead
in Nevada. But for this merger, United would
continue to expand in Nevada and challenge
Sierra’s strong position in the market. That
competition between United and Sierra
would lead to lower premiums, greater
innovation and better service. There is
simply no reason why United can not
achieve most of the benefits of this
acquisition through internal growth.
The remainder of the testimony is set
forward as follows. First, we make some
observations about special considerations for
health insurer mergers and suggest why
regulators and enforcers can not rely on the
theoretical assumptions of a competitive
market. Then we focus on past enforcement
actions and the principles of antitrust
enforcement. We then explain how the
merger will reduce competition in both the
provision of certain health insurance
products (impact on buyers) and health care
providers (impact on sellers). Finally, we
explain why other factors such as ease of
entry or efficiencies will not prevent the
anticompetitive effects of the merger.
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III. Antitrust Merger Standards and Past
Antitrust Enforcement Actions
The U.S. antitrust laws, like the Nevada
insurance statute, provide that a merger may
be illegal if it may ‘‘tend substantially to
lessen competition or to tend to create a
monopoly.’’ 5 The concern under the merger
laws is that a merger may tend to reduce
competition and lead to higher prices, lower
service, less quality, or less innovation.
Concerns over a reduction in quality, central
to the delivery of health care services, is an
important element of competition.6 As the
Supreme Court has observed, competition
protects ‘‘all elements of a bargain—quality,
service, safety, and durability—and not just
the immediate cost.’’ 7
5 Clayton Act. 15 U.S.C. § 18. There is no case law
evaluating the competitive legality of mergers under
NRS 692C.210(I), however the language of the
statute is identical to the Clayton Act. Thus, it is
appropriate to apply the standards of federal
antitrust law. The Nevada antitrust statute is similar
to the Clayton Act. It prohibits mergers that will
‘‘result in the monopolization of trade or commerce
* * * or would further any attempt to monopolize
trade or commerce’’ or ‘‘substantially lessen
competition or be in restraint of trade’’ NRS
598A.060(l(f).
6 Section 7 prohibits anticompetitive reductions
in quality because it equivalent to an increase in
price—consumers pay the same (or greater) price for
less. Community Publishers. Inc. v. Donrey Corp.,
892 F. Supp. 1146, 1153 n.8 (W.D. Ark. 1995), aff’d
sub nom. Community Publishers, Inc. v. DR
Partners, 139 F.3d 1180 (8th Cir. 1998); Merger
Guidelines, § 0.1 (‘‘Sellers with market power also
may lessen competition on dimensions other than
price, such as product quality, service, or
innovation.’’); id. § 1.11.
7 Nat’l Soc’y of Prof Eng’rs v. United States, 435
U.S. 679,695 (1978).
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In order to determine the likely
competitive effects of a merger the case law
and the Merger Guidelines established by the
Department of Justice and the Federal Trade
Commission set forth a multi-step process.8
The process begins by defining the ‘‘line of
commerce’’ or relevant product market and
the ‘‘section of the country’’ or relevant
geographic market. A relevant market can
include any group of products or services.
Once a relevant market is defined, the level
of concentration and market share is
calculated to determine the likely
competitive effects of the merger. In cases
where there is an undue level of
concentration in the relevant market
(generally a market share over 30%) there is
a prima facie case of illegality and a
presumption of unlawfulness.9 If there is a
presumption of unlawfulness then the
burden shifts to the defendants to rebut the
prima facie case and demonstrate that other
market characteristics make the presumption
of anticompetitive effects implausible. Two
types of evidence are prominent in merger
cases—if the defendants can offer evidence
that entry is relatively easy, that may dispel
the notion that the merger will lead to
significant anticompetitive effects. Finally, if
a merger will lead to substantial efficiencies,
these may counteract those anticompetilive
effects.
The two most instructive antitrust cases
involving health insurance mergers are the
DOJ’s challenges to Aetna’s 1999 acquisition
of Prudential and United’s 2006 acquisition
of PacifiCare. Both of these mergers were
resolved with divestitures to facilitate the
entry of a new competitor to remedy the
competitive concerns. Each case focused both
on the harm to purchasers of HMO and other
insurance services from the exercise of
monopoly power and the harm to healthcare
providers from the exercise of monopsony
power.10 In both the United-PacifiCare and
8 U.S. Dept of Justice and Federal Trade Comm’n,
Horizontal Merger Guidelines (1997) (hereinafter
‘‘Merger Guidelines’’), The Nevada statute provides
that in determining whether to approve a merger
the Commissioner of Insurance ‘‘shall consider the
standards set forth in the Horizontal Merger
Guidelines * * * NRS 692C.256(2).
9 Concentration in merger cases is expressed in
terms of market shares and a measure known as the
Herfindahl Hirschman Index (‘‘HHI’’). The HHI is
calculated by adding together the squares of the
market share of individual competitors in the
market. In a market with a single seller, the HHI is
10,000. The FTC/DOJ Merger Guidelines provide
that an HHI below 1000 corresponds to an
‘‘unconcentrated’’ market; an HHI between 1000
and 1800 corresponds to a ‘‘moderately
concentrated’’ market, and a HHI above 1800
corresponds to a ‘‘highly concentrated’’ market. The
HHI is a screening tool used to assess whether a
proposed merger will lead to anticompetitive
consequences. Under the Guidelines different
presumptions apply, depending on the extent of
post-merger market concentration and the increase
in HHI that will result from the merger. The greatest
competitive concerns are raised where the postmerger HHI exceeds 1800. In such as case, it s
‘‘presumed that mergers producing an increase in
the HHI of more than 100 points are likely to create
or enhance market power or facilitate its exercise,’’
Merger Guidelines, § 1.51.
10 Health insurers play dual roles as sellers of
insurance services and buyers of health care
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the Aetna-Prudential mergers, the DOJ
identified highly concentrated markets that
were substantially likely to suffer harm to
competition as a result of these mergers.
In 1999, the DOJ and the State of Texas
settled charges that the merger between
Aetna and Prudential in the State of Texas
would harm competition. The DOJ focused
on relevant markets of HMO products and
physician services. Aetna and Prudential
were head to head competitors in the HMO
markets in Houston and Dallas. The proposed
merger would have increased Aetna’s market
share from 44% to 63% in Houston and 26%
to 42% in Dallas.11
Moreover, the merger raised monopsony
concerns by giving the merged firm the
potential to unduly suppress physician
reimbursement rates in Houston and Dallas,
resulting in a reduction of quantity or
degradation of quality of medical services in
the areas.12 The operative question from
DOJ’s perspective was could health care
providers defeat an effort by the merged firm
to reduce provider compensation by a
significant amount, e.g., 5%. The question
was answered in the negative for several
reasons: physicians have limited ability to
encourage patients to switch health plans,
and physicians’ time (unlike other
commodities) cannot be stored, which means
that physicians incur irrecoverable losses
when patients are lost but not replaced. To
exacerbate matters, contracts with physicians
were negotiated on an individual basis, and
were therefore susceptible to price
discrimination by powerful buyers. Thus,
DOJ concluded that Aetna had sufficient
power to impose adverse contract terms on
physicians, especially decreased physician
reimbursement rates, which would ‘‘likely
lead to a reduction in quantity or degradation
in the quality of physicians’ services.’’ 13
To resolve these competitive concerns the
DOJ ordered Aetna to divest its entire interest
in NYLCare-Gulf Coast and NYLCareSouthwest, its Houston and Dallas
commercial HMO business. This consisted of
260,000 covered lives in Houston and
167,000 covered lives in Dallas.
services. In its first role, the health insurer’s
‘‘output’’ consists of health benefit packages, and
the output prices are paid for by customers in the
form of subscriber premiums. In the role as the
seller of health benefits, a dominant health insurer
in a concentrated market could potentially act as a
‘‘monopolist’’ charging an above market price for
health benefits. In its second role, the health insurer
acts as a buyer, and the inputs consist of physician
and other medical services. The insurer’s input
prices are the compensation it pays in the form of
physician fees and fees for medical services. In this
role, the health insurer may act as a ‘‘monopsonist,’’
reducing the level of services or quality of care by
reducing compensation to providers. Health
insurers are both buyers of medical services and
sellers of insurance (to consumers), so insurance
mergers can raise both monopsony and monopoly
concerns.
11 These market shares are substantially smaller
than the market shares which would result from the
United-Sierra merger in the HMO markets of
Nevada and Clark County (80% in Nevada and 94%
in Clark County).
12 United States v. Aetna, Revised Competitive
Impact Statement, Civil Action 3–99CV1398–H.
13 Id.
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In 2006, the DOJ investigated the merger
between United and PacifiCare and focused
on potential competitive concerns in relevant
markets for commercial health insurance for
small group employers in Tucson, Arizona
and physician services in both Tucson and
Boulder, Colorado.14 Small group employers
are employers with 2–50 employees. The
merger would have combined the second and
third largest providers of commercial health
insurance in Tucson and increased United’s
market share from 16% to 33%.
The merger also raised concerns over the
potential harm to competition in the
purchase of physician services in both
Tucson and Boulder. The DOJ explained that
by combining United and PacifiCare ‘‘the
acquisition will give United the ability to
unduly depress physician reimbursement
rates in Tucson and Boulder, likely leading
to a reduction in quantity or degradation in
the quality of physician services.’’ 15 In other
words the DOJ found that a health plan’s
power over physicians to depress
reimbursement rates can be harmful to
patients—the ultimate consumers of health
care. The market shares involved were
relatively modest: in excess of 35% in
Tucson and in excess of 30% in Boulder ‘‘for
a substantial number of physicians in those
areas.’’
In response to the potential harm to
competition, the DOJ required United to
divest contracts covering at least 54,517
members residing in Tucson, Arizona to
yield a post-merger market share equal to its
pre-merger market share. Furthermore, the
DOJ required United to divest 6,066 members
covered under its contract with the
University of Colorado. This divesture
constituted nearly half of PacifiCare’s total
commercial membership in Boulder.
The antitrust laws protect not only
consumers but any group of buyers,
potentially including a governmental buyer.
Buyers of health insurance services have
varying needs and ability to secure
competitive rates. An example of this is a
case filed by the City of New York
challenging the merger between Group
Health Incorporated (‘‘GHI’’) and the Health
Insurance Plan of Greater New York (‘‘HIP’’)
in the fall of 2006.16 There are numerous
health insurance competitors, including
HMOs and PPOs in the New York City
market, but for the low cost product required
by the City and affiliated entities the only
rivals were GHI and HIP. The case alleged
that the merger of GHI and HIP would create
a monopoly in the New York metropolitan
area market for low cost health insurance
purchased by the City of New York and its
employee unions together with the city’s
employees and retirees as well as 35 other
employers with ties to the city and their
employees and retirees such as the Housing
14 United States v. UnitedHealth Group Inc., Case
No. 1:05CV02436 (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2005), available
at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f213800/
213815.htm.
15 United States v. UnitedHealth Group,
Competition Impact Statement at 8, available at
https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f215000/
215034.htm.
16 City of New York v. Group Health Inc., et al.,
(S.D.N.Y. 2006).
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Authority, the Metropolitan Museum of Art
and universities (all of which participate in
the New York City health benefits program).
The case alleges that city employees and
retirees and those individuals who
participate in the health benefits program
would be faced with increased costs for
insurance and reduced service if the merger
were consummated. Litigation in the case is
ongoing, but it suggests the broad range of
markets that can be adversely affected by a
merger.
IV. Special Information Concerns for Health
Insurance Mergers
In determining the competitive effect of a
merger the crucial issue is the impact on the
consumer, the ultimate beneficiary of the
insurance system. The questions to be
examined include will consumers have to
pay more for insurance in higher premiums
or deductibles, will they suffer from poorer
service such as longer waiting times or
deterred services, and will they suffer from
lower quality of care? Since consumers can
not vote on a merger,17 how does the
Commissioner, antitrust enforcer, or the
courts evaluate the impact of a merger on
consumers? Insurance companies, employers,
unions and buyers of insurance (‘‘plan
sponsors’’), and health care providers will all
have views of the impact of the merger on
consumers. The views of the insurance
companies can not be determinative, since
they have an obligation to their stockholders
to maximize profits.
The views of plan sponsors are relevant,
but their failure to object to a merger may not
be of significant evidentiary value. Plan
sponsors represent the interests of their
subscribers and thus may be concerned with
the exercise of monopoly power leading to
higher premiums. However, as antitrust
authorities have recognized in many merger
investigations, buyers of services may be very
reluctant to complain about a merger for a
variety of factors. They may simply pass on
higher post-merger prices to the ultimate
customer. In the health insurance area,
although plan sponsors may be concerned
about the cost of health insurance they may
be less sensitive to the reduction in quality
or service that may result from a merger.
Finally, a customer may fear retribution
postmerger.18 This may particularly be the
case in Nevada where the acquired firm will
remain as the largest insurer even if the
merger is denied. Thus, the fact that plan
sponsors do not complain, or actually
support a merger, should not be
17 Fortunately, the Commissioner has decided to
hold an extensive series of hearings on the merger
and provided a significant opportunity for public
comment. The majority of the public comments
filed by consumers to date oppose the merger.
18 There are a wide variety of reasons why
customer support of a merger may not be
particularly probative. See Ken Heyer, Predicting
the Competitive Effects of Merger by Listening to
Buyers, 74 Antitrust L.L. 87 (2007); Joseph Farrell,
Listening to Interested Parties in Antitrust
Investigations: Competitors, Customers,
Complementors, and Relativity, Antitrust, Spring
2004 at 64 (explaining why customers may support
an otherwise anticompetitive merger).
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determinative of a merger’s likely
competitive effect.19
On the other hand healthcare providers
may be a far more superior representative of
the consumer interest and their concerns
deserve careful attention. Physicians and
other healthcare providers directly
experience the diminution of service and
quality when so-called cost containment
efforts go too far. Physicians serve as
advocates for the patient, especially in the
often adversarial setting of managed care.
Since health care providers experience first
hand the impact of reductions in service they
are more sensitive to the potential exercise of
market power by health insurance. It is
important to recognize in evaluating the
concerns raised by providers that they are not
just complaining about decreased
compensation. Rather the issues raised by
health care providers are central to concerns
over quality of care: reduced services, greater
waiting times, unacceptably short hospital
stays, postponed or unperformed medical
treatments, suboptimal alternative medical
treatments, laboratory tests not performed,
and other output restrictions on health
services.
IV. Competitive Analysis of the UnitedSierra Merger
Health Insurer Concentration: Harm To
Buyers
The concentration of the health insurance
industry has increased nationally due to a
tremendous number of mergers and
acquisitions and numerous smaller insurers
exiting the industry.20 Over the past 10 years
there have been over 400 health insurer
mergers. United has acquired several firms
including California-based PacifiCare Health
Systems, Inc., Oxford Health Plans, and John
Deere Health Plan, increasing its membership
to 32 million. Similarly, WellPoint, Inc. now
owns Blue Cross plans in 14 states. Together,
WellPoint and United control over 33 percent
of the U.S. commercial health insurance
market.
This increase in concentration has not
benefited consumers. Studies indicate that
health insurance premiums have increased at
a rate more than twice the rate of inflation
or the rate of increases in worker’s earnings.
Average annual premium increases have
ranged from 8.2% to 13.9% since 2000,21
19 In several cases courts have enjoined mergers
even where customers testified in support of the
merger. See FTC v. H.J. Heinz Co., 246 F.3d 708
(D.C. Cir. 2001) (customers strongly supported
merger); United States v. United Tote, 768 F. Supp.
1064, 1084–85 (D.Del. 1991) (enjoining merger
despite testimony of ‘‘numerous buyers’’ that the
merger would be procompetitive in creating a
stronger rival to a dominant firm); United States v.
Ivaco, 704 F. Supp. 1409, 1428 (W.D. Mich. 1989)
(all testifying customers supported merger); FTC v.
Imo Indus., 1992–2 Trade Cas. (CCH) § 69,943, at
68,559 (D.D.C. 1989).
20 Victoria Colliver, ‘‘Insurer’s Mergers Limiting
Options: Health Care Choices Are Narrowing Says
Study by AMA,’’ San Francisco Chronicle, April 18,
2006 (last viewed 7/8/07) https://sfgate.com/cgibin.article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2006/04/18/
BUGUQIAH161.DTL&type=business
21 Kaiser Family Foundation and Health Research
and Educational Trust, Employer Health Benefits:
2006 Summary of Findings, 2006 (last viewed 7/8/
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Moreover, since 2000, the number of
employers offering health coverage benefits
has decreased by nearly 10%. Studies
indicated that medical benefits have not
expanded despite premium increases. In
contrast, health insurer profits have
increased by 246% in the aggregate over the
past decade.22
Consumers in highly concentrated health
insurance markets are most vulnerable to
insurance premium increases without
comparable benefit increases, mirroring data
of escalating health costs on the national
level. One study found that more than 95%
of Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) had
at least one insurer in the combined HMO/
PPO market with a market share greater than
30% and more than 56% of MSAs had at east
one insurer with market share greater than
50%.23 In concentrated MSAs such as these,
there is a much greater likelihood that one
firm, or a small group of firms, could
successfully exercise market power and
profitably increase prices or decrease
compensation leading to less quality or
service. As one prominent health care
professor has observed in testimony before
the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee:
What is so important about the sheer
number of competitors? Econometric
evidence shows that in the managed care
field, an increase in the number of
competitors is associated with lower health
plan costs and premiums; conversely, a
decrease in the number of competitors is
associated with increases in plan costs and
premiums. The evidence also shows that the
sheer number of competitors exerts a stronger
influence on these outcomes than does the
penetration level achieved by plans in the
market.24
As we discuss below, the health insurance
markets in the state of Nevada, especially
Clark County are highly concentrated, and
the merger of Sierra with United is likely to
substantially harm competition and
consumers.
Harm to Competition in Nevada From the
United-Sierra Merger
Correctly defining an economically
meaningful market is essential for ensuring
that consumers of that market do not become
subject to market power due to increases in
market concentration and decreases in
competition as a result of a merger. The key
question in this merger as in other mergers
is the definition of the relevant product
market. The courts have held that a relevant
product market ‘‘must be drawn narrowly to
exclude any other product to which, within
reasonable variation and price, only a limited
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2007) https://www.kff.org/insurance/7527/upload/
7528.pdf
22 Laura Benko, ‘‘Monopoly Concerns: AMA asks
Antitrust Regulators to Restore Balance,’’ Modern
Physician, June 1, 2006.
23 Edward Langston, ‘‘Statement of the American
Medical Association to the Senate Committee on
the Judiciary United States Senate: Examining
Competition in Group Health Care,’’ Sept. 6, 2006
(last viewed 7/8/07) https://www.ama-assn.org/
amal/pub/upload/mm/399/antitrust090606.pdf.
24 Testimony of Professor Lawton R. Burns re the
Highmark/Independence Blue Cross Merger, before
the Senate Judiciary Committee (April 7, 2007).
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number of buyers will turn.’’ Times-Picayune
Pub. Co. v. United States, 345 U.S. 594, 612
n.31 (1953). Market definition focuses on
demand substitution facts, and whether or
not consumers would or could turn to a
different product or geographic location in
response to a ‘‘small but significant nontransitory increase in price.’’ 25 Typically, the
antitrust agencies and the courts have
implemented this test by seeking to identify
the smallest group of products over which
prices could be profitably increased by a
‘‘small but significant’’ amount (normally 5
percent) for a substantial period of time
(normally one year).26
In health insurance mergers the DOJ has
reached different, although not inconsistent.
conclusions as to the relevant product
market, For example, in the Aetna-Prudential
merger DOJ concluded that the relevant
product markets were the sale of health
maintenance organization (‘‘HMO’’) and
HMO-based point of service (‘‘HMO-POS’’)
health plans. The DOJ noted that HMO and
HMO-POS products differ from PPO or other
indemnity products in term of benefit design
cost and other factors. HMOs provide
superior preventative care benefits, place
limits on treatment options and generally
require the use of a primary care physician
‘‘gatekeeper.’’ PPO plans are not structured in
that fashion and do not emphasize
preventative care. HMOs were perceived as
being better devices to control costs and
configure benefits. In addition, both the
insurers and buyers of insurance services
perceived PPOs and HMOs as being separate
products. Thus, the DOJ concluded that the
elasticity of demand for HMO’s and HMOPOS plans are sufficiently low that a small
but significant price increase for these plans
would be profitable because consumers
would not shift to PPO and other indemnity
plans to make the increase unprofitable.
In United/PacifiCare, the DOJ defined a
relevant product market as the sale of
commercial health insurance to small group
employers. This market consisted of
employers with 2–50 employees. These
employers were particularly susceptible to
potential anticompetitive conduct because
they lacked a sufficient employee population
to self-insure and they lacked the multiple
locations necessary to reduce risk through
geographic diversity. In addition the manner
in which commercial health insurance was
sold also distinguished the small and large
group markets. Large employers were more
likely than smaller employers to be able to
successfully engage extensive negotiations
with United and PacifiCare.
We believe that both an HMO and small
employer market may be adversely affected
25 According to the Merger Guidelines,‘‘[a] market
is defined as a product or group of products and
a geographic area in which it is produced or sold
such that a hypothetical profit-maximizing firm, not
subject to price regulation, that was the only
present and future seller of those products in that
area would likely impose at least a ‘small but
significant nontransitory’ increase in price,
assuming the terms of sale of all other products are
held constant.’’ Merger Guidelines § 1.0.
26 FTC v. Staples, 970 F. Supp. at 1076 n.8;
Merger Guidelines § 1.11, at 5–6.
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by the United-Sierra merger.27 Surveys
demonstrate that consumer do not perceive
HMOs and PPOs as substitute products and
consumers believe that they differ in terms of
benefit design, cost, and general approaches
to treatment.28 PPOs tend to provide more
flexibility in selection of physicians and
specialists and tend to be more expensive. In
contrast, HMOs focus more on preventative
medicine but limit treatment options and
require referrals from a ‘‘gate keeper’’ for
many procedures. Consumers with special
health needs and those relying more on
strong relationships with their physicians
would generally not he satisfied if forced to
subscribe to an HMO with restrictions on
personal choices. ‘‘A small but significant
price increase in the premiums for HMOs
and HMO-POS plans would not cause a
sufficient number of customers to shift to
other health insurance products to make such
a price increase unprofitable.’’ 29
Moreover, small employers are less likely
to have significant alternatives in response to
a price increase by the merged firm. Small
employers are unable to self-insure and have
little power to negotiate better rates.
The relevant geographic market seems to
be a fairly straightforward matter since health
care services are primarily local. From the
perspective of the buyers of insurance
services, employers want insurance where
the employees work and live. Thus in Aetna/
Prudential, the DOJ concluded ‘‘the relevant
geographic market in which HMO and HMO–
POS plans compete are thus generally no
larger than the local areas within which
HMO * * * enrollees demand access to
providers. * * * As a result, commercial and
government health insurers—the primary
purchasers of physician services—seek to
have their provider network’s physicians
whose offices are convenient to where their
enrollees work or live.’’
In this merger the likely geographic
markets are Clark County, Nevada, and the
larger geographic market of the State of
Nevada. Consumers faced with an increase in
prices for HMOs are unlikely to travel a long
distance away from homes or places of
business to in order to escape price increases
and purchase HMO services at a lower price.
Generally, consumers are reluctant to travel
lengthy distances when they are sick.
Moreover, virtually all managed care
companies provide networks in localities
where employees live and work, and they
compete with the other local networks.30
Thus, we believe the proper relevant markets
are the provision of HMO services in Clark
County and Nevada.31
27 Defining the market in terms of a single product
is appropriate since the Nevada statute provides
that the Commissioner can deny a merger
application if she ‘‘determines that an acquisition
may substantially lessen competition in any line of
insurance in this state or tends to create a
monopoly.’’ NRS 692.258(1).
28 See United States v. Aetna, Revised Complaint
Impact Statement, Civil Action 3–99CV1398–H
(N.D. Tex, 1999).
29 Id.
30 Id.
31 As to the market for the sale of health insurance
products to small employers we have no reason to
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PacifiCare in those markets where DOJ
brought enforcement actions. Even in a
Nevada HM0 market, the market share
increases from 12% to 80% and in a Nevada
HMO–PPO market United’s market share
increases from 7% to 48%. Simply put, postmerger United will be a dominant firm no
matter how the market is defined.
Measuring concentration using the HHI
leads to similar results. The Merger
Guidelines define a market with an HHI over
1800 as ‘‘highly concentrated’’ and an
increase over 100 is ‘‘likely to create or
enhance market power or facilitate its
exercise.’’ The post-merger HHI for HMOs in
the state of Nevada is 4,871 and the postmerger increase in HHI is 1,625. The HM0
market in Clark County is even more
concentrated, with a post-merger HHI of
8,884 and a post-merger increase in HHI of
2,235. These exorbitantly high HHIs support
the presumption that a merger between the
two largest HMOs in the highly concentrated
Nevada HMO market would likely create or
enhance market power or facilitate its
exercise. The market share data obtained
form the Nevada State Health Division is
provided below, (Figure 1).
The Nevada and Clark County markets are
highly concentrated, no matter how defined.
The parties may suggest that this is of little
import because the increase in concentration
is not substantial because United currently
has a relatively modest market share. Such an
argument is inconsistent with the facts and
the law. United is the largest health insurer
in the United States and the second largest
rival in the market, with the ability and
incentive to expand competition. As to the
law as the Supreme Court has acknowledged,
‘‘if concentration is already great, the
importance of preventing even slight
increases in concentration is correspondingly
great.’’ 33
As important, the combined United-Sierra
will be substantially larger than its next
closest rival. In the Nevada HMO market it
will be over 10 times larger (80% to 7% for
the second largest firm) and in the Clark
County market it will be over 30 times larger
(94% to 3%). The courts have recognized that
smaller rivals are far less likely to constrain
the conduct of a dominant firm post-merger,
and have enjoined mergers with far smaller
disparities in market share. United States v.
Phillipsburg Nat’l Bank, 399 U.S. 350, 367
(1970) (merged firm three times the size of
next largest rival): FTC v. PPG, 798 F.2d
1500, 1502–03 (D.C. Cir. 1986) (two and onehalf times as large). Where a merger produces
a firm that is significantly larger than its
closest competitors, it increases the
likelihood that the firm will be able to raise
prices, decrease compensation, and reduce
quality without fear that the small sellers will
be able to take away enough business to
defeat the price increase. See United States
v. Rockford Mem. Corp., 898 F.2d 1278.
1283–84 (7th Cir.) (Posner, J.), cert. denied,
498 U.S. 920 (1990); H. Hovenkamp, Federal
Antitrust Policy § 12.4c (1993) (‘‘markets may
often have small niches or pockets where
new firms can carve out a tiny position for
themselves without having much of an effect
on competitive conditions in the market as a
whole’’).
believe the concentration measures differ
significantly from the HMO market.
32 Data provided from the Nevada State Health
Division.
33 United States v. General Dynamics Corp., 415
U.S. 486, 497 (1974).
34 Data from the Nevada State Health Division.
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Combined PPO and HMO Markets
Using a definition of the health insurance
product market as the combination of HMOs
and PPOs, the health insurance market in
Nevada is highly concentrated, and the
United-Sierra merger would substantially
increase the likelihood of competitive harm.
The market share for Sierra and United
combined in Nevada is 48%, while in Clark
County the combined United-Sierra market
share is 60%. The post-merger HHI for the
Nevada and Clark County markets are 3372
and 5244. respectively. The increase in the
HHI market resulting from the United-Sierra
merger is 555 for the state of Nevada and 921
for Clark County. Data of market shares from
the Nevada State Health Division for the
HMO and PPO markets is provided in Figure
2.
35 The market share for WellPoint in Clark County
is overstated because in the absence of data by
territory, all WellPoint customers were allocated to
Clark County.
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Concentration and Competitive Effects
Once the market is defined antitrust
authorities and the courts calculate market
shares and concentration levels (using the
Herfindahl-Hirschman index (HHI)). This
merger will lead to an unprecedented level
of concentration. In the Clark County HMO
market United’s market share will increase
from 14 to 94%. If PPOs are included,
United’s market share increases from 9% to
60%. Regardless of how the product market
is defined United is clearly a dominant firm,
far larger than the post merger market shares
of the combined Aetna/Prudential or United/
Federal Register / Vol. 73, No. 164 / Friday, August 22, 2008 / Notices
V. Health Insurance Concentration: Harm to
Health Care Professionals and Quality of
Care
The nature of the health care industry
facilitates the potential for a dominant health
coverage or insurance firm to exercise market
power (or monopsony) over individuals
selling health care services within a
geographic region. Because medical services
can be neither stored nor exported. health
care professionals generally must sell their
services to buyers (insurance firms and their
customers) in a relatively small geographic
market. Refusing the terms of the dominant
buyer, physicians may suffer an irrevocable
loss of revenue. Consequently, a physician’s
ability to terminate a relationship with an
insurance coverage plan depends on her
ability to make up lost business by switching
to an alternative insurance coverage plan.
Where those alternatives are lacking a
physician may be forced to reduce the level
of service in response to a decrease in
compensation.
Not all insurance providers are equal from
the perspective of a health care provider. A
smaller insurance company with fewer
covered lives may not be an attractive
alternative. Health care providers who
depend on an insurance program for all or
most of their income are at a substantial
disadvantage when there are not competing
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programs available; when they switch
programs, they tend to lose the patients who
have that particular coverage. It makes little
sense for a provider to switch to an insurer
who has a substantially smaller market share
because there won’t be enough patients to
sustain the practice. Thus, it is critical for
insurance regulators to maintain a
competitive market in which health care
providers have significant competitive
alternatives.
In the Aetna/Prudential and United/
PacifiCare mergers, the DOJ raised
monopsony concerns in markets for
purchasing physicians services where the
market shares were far less substantial than
they are in Clark County. For example, in
United/PacifiCare the DOJ alleged that the
combined firm would account for an excess
of 35% in Tucson and over 30% in Boulder.
In addition, it is important to recognize
that it may be appropriate to prevent a firm
from securing monopsony power even if it
faces a competitive downstream market. In
other words there may be antitrust concerns
if a health insurer can lower compensation to
providers even if it can not raise prices to
consumers. For example, in United/
PacifiCare the Division required a divestiture
based on monopsony concerns in Boulder
even though United/PacifiCare would not
necessarily have had market power in the
sale of health insurance. The reason is
straightforward—the reduction in
compensation would lead to diminished
service and quality of care, which harms
consumers even though the direct prices paid
by subscribers do not increase.36
Underlying the monopsony analysis in
these cases is the premise that physicians
who have a large share of reimbursements
from the merged firm lack alternatives in
response to a reduction in compensation. As
alleged in Aetna, they cannot retain or timely
replace a sufficient portion of those payments
if the physicians stop participating in the
plans. Moreover, it is difficult to convince
patients to switch to different plans.37
36 See Marius Schwartz, Buyer Power Concerns
and Aetna-Prudential Merger, Address Before the
the Annual Health Care Antitrust Forum at
Northwestern University School of Law 4–6
(October 20. 1999) (noting that anticompetitive
effects can occur even if the conduct does not
adversely affect the ultimate consumers who
purchase the end-product), available at http/
www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/speeches/3924.wpd.
37 As alleged in the United complaint, physicians
encouraging patients to change plans ‘‘is
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Consequently. according to the Division
these physicians would not be in a position
to reject a ‘‘take it or leave it’’ contract offer
and could be forced to accept low
reimbursement rates from a merged entity,
likely leading to a reduction in quantity or
degradation in quality of physician services.
The merging parties may suggest that there
is some safe harbor for mergers leading to a
market share below 35%. As the DOJ
enforcement action in Boulder demonstrates,
that is not the case. The unique nature of
health care provider services explains why
monopsony concerns are raised at lower
levels of concentration than may be
appropriate in other industries. If a health
care provider’s output is suppressed by a
reduction in compensation, then it is a lost
sale that cannot be recovered later. Physician
services can not be stored for later sale. As
the DOJ observed in United/PacifiCare: ‘‘A
physician’s ability to terminate a relationship
with a commercial health insurer depends on
his or her ability to replace the amount of
business lost from the termination, and the
time it would take to do so. Failing to replace
lost business expeditiously is costly.’’ 38 The
DOJ observed that there are limited outlets
for physician services: ‘‘There are no
purchasers to whom physicians can sell their
services other than individual patients or the
commercial and governmental health
insurers that purchase physician services on
behalf of their patients.’’ 39 As a former DOJ
official observed ‘‘these factors explain why
the Department concluded that shares below
35 percent, in the particular markets at issue,
sufficed to allege competitive harm.’’ 40
particularly difficult for patients employed by
companies that sponsor only one plan because the
patient would need to persuade the employer to
sponsor an additional plan with the desired
physician in the plans’s network’’ or the patient
would have to use the physician on an out-ofnetwork basis at a higher cost. Complaint at
paragraph 37.
38 Complaint at paragraph 36.
39 Complaint at paragraph 33.
40 Mark Botti, Remarks before the ABA Antitrust
Section, ‘‘Observations on and from the Antitrust
Division’s Buyer-Side Cases: How Can ‘‘Lower’’
Prices Violate the Antitrust Laws.’’ He also noted
that: ‘‘Physicians have a limited ability to maintain
the business of patients enrolled in a health plan
once the physician terminates. Physicians could
retain patients by encouraging them to switch to
another health plan in which the physician
participates. This is particularly difficult for
patients employed by companies that sponsor only
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Conclusion on the Impact of the UnitedSierra Merger on Consumers
As the U.S. Supreme Court has held where
a merger results in a significant increase in
concentration and produces a firm that
controls an undue percentage of the market,
the combination is so inherently likely to
lessen competition substantially that it ‘‘must
be enjoined in the absence of evidence
clearly showing that the merger is not likely
to have such anticompetitive effects.’’ United
States v. Philadelphia Nat’l Bank, 374 U.S.
321, 363 (1963). The United-Sierra merger
clearly raises extraordinary and
unprecedented levels of concentration which
raise serious concerns about this merger.
Nevada is in need of greater competition, not
less. Further consolidation among the limited
health plan providers in Nevada poses a
substantial threat of harming customers,
increasing the costs of health care, and
decreasing access to quality health care and
the quality of health. This merger clearly
‘‘would likely be harmful or prejudicial to
the members of the public who purchase
insurance’’ and thus should be denied.
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Again the proponents of health insurance
mergers may suggest that regulators should
take a benign view about the creation of
monopsony power because health insurers
are ‘‘buyers’’ acting in the interest of
reducing prices. As we suggested earlier, this
view is mistaken. Health insurers are not true
fiduciaries for insurance subscribers. Plan
sponsors may have a limited concern over
the product based on the cost of the
insurance, and not the quality of care.
Furthermore, health coverage plans operate
in the interest of a group, not in the best
interest of individual patients. Consequently,
insurance firms can increase profits by
reducing the level of service and denying
medical procedures that physicians would
normally perform based on professional
judgment. In the absence of competition
among insurers, patients are more likely to
pay for these procedures out-of pocket or
forego them entirely. Ultimately, the creation
of monopsony power from a merger can
adversely impact both the quantity and
quality of health care.
Finally, the evidence from mergers
throughout the U.S. strongly suggests that the
creation of buyer power from health
insurance consolidation has not benefited
competition or consumers. Although
compensation to providers has been reduced,
health insurance premiums have continued
to increase rapidly. Moreover, evidence from
other mergers suggests that insurers do not
pass savings on from these mergers on to
consumers. Rather, insurance premiums
increase along with insurance company
profits.
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Monopsony in the Health Care Markets of
Nevada
United’s acquisition of Sierra would give it
unique control over the physicians serving
the HMO and HMO–PPO markets in Clark
County and the State of Nevada. The merger
will combine the two largest HMOs with an
84% market share in Nevada and a 90%
market share in Clark County, dramatically
higher than the concentration in any merger
approved by the DOJ. In light of these high
market shares, a physician faced with unfair
contract terms could not credibly threaten to
leave the combined United-Sierra health
plan, except by departing Clark County.
The parties have suggested the markets for
physician reimbursement are far less
concentrated. At the earlier hearing they
suggested the merged firm would account for
only 17% of physician reimbursement in the
state and 21% in Clark County. We do not
know the basis for the claimed
reimbursement percentages. One should take
United’s estimates of market shares with a
large grain of salt. In United/PacifiCare their
lawyers suggested the parties’ total share of
physicians’ reimbursements likely were
one plan because the patient would need to
persuade the employer to sponsor an additional
plan with the desired physician in the plan’s
network. Alternatively, the patient may remain in
the plan, visiting the physician on an out-ofnetwork basis. The patient would be faced with the
prospect of higher out-of-pocket costs, either in the
form of increased co-payments for use of an out-ofnetwork physician, or by absorbing the full cost of
the physician care.’’ Complaint at paragraph 37.
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substantially below the 35% threshold, but
those estimates were rejected by DOJ. As one
of their advocates said ‘‘indeed the parties’
calculated their total shares of physician
reimbursements in the Tucson and Boulder
MSAs were substantially lower than the
shares asserted in the complaint.’’ 41 The
estimates of the proponents in the Aetna/
Prudential merger were also rejected by the
DOJ.42
Monopsony power exercised by HMOs and
health insurance plans, like high medical
malpractice insurance premiums, has the
potential to drive health care professionals
out of geographic regions and even into other
professions. The Nevada health care market
currently faces one of the largest shortages of
doctors and nurses in the country.43 It ranks
49th of the 50 states in physician coverage.
Shortages of health care professionals can
become a vicious cycle admonishing others
against entering the profession. Doctor
shortages increase with shortages of nurses
and increases in insurance costs.’’ 44
Nationally, it has become less attractive to
become a physician because of the enormous
cost associated with medical education, long
years of schooling and residencies, and
increased difficulty in earning a living.45
Recently, Nevada has implemented programs
to attract doctors from Mexico and train
doctors in Mexico at the Universidad
Autonoma de Guadelajara.46
Similar problems exist in nursing.
Understaffed nursing departments require
nurses to work overtime, work more holiday
shifts, and undertake more responsibilities.
These conditions exacerbate protracted workrelated stress and decrease the attractiveness
of working as a nurse in Nevada. Moreover,
reduced flexibility for time-off and patient
dissatisfaction resulting from overworked
nurses is generally associated with lower
41 Fiona Schaeffer et al., ‘‘Diagnosing Monopsony
and other issues in Health Care Mergers: An
overview of the United/PacifiCare Investigation,’’
Antitrust Health Care Chronicle (2006).
42 The estimates of the level of physician
reimbursement by the proponents of the Aetna/
Prudential merger were also rejected by the DOJ,
The proponents suggested that the total amount of
physician revenues affected by the merger were far
less than thirty percent according to public
available data. According to the proponents, the
merged firm would have accounted for about 20%
of total physician revenues in Houston and about
25% of total physician revenues in the Dallas Fort
Worth area after the transaction. In addition, there
were 14 HMOs in the Houston area and 12 HMOs
in Dallas. See Robert E. Bloch et al. ‘‘A New and
Uncertain Future for Managed Care Mergers: An
Antitrust Analysis of the Aetna/Prudential Merger.’’
Yet the DOJ required an enforcement action to
address monopsony concerns in spite of these
alleged low shares of reimbursement.
43 See Lawrence Mower, ‘‘Help Sought South of
the Border,’’ Las Vegas Review Journal, Jan. 22,
2007; see also Lenita Powers, ‘‘Big Day at Lawlor,’’
Reno Gazette, Dec. 9, 2006 (expressing that nurses
in Nevada are in a desperately short supply,
especially OR nurses).
44 See Lawrence Mower, ‘‘Help Sought South of
the Border,’’ Las Vegas Review Journal, Jan. 22,
2007.
45 Lawrence Mower, ‘‘Help Sought South of the
Border,’’ Las Vegas Review Journal, Jan. 22, 2007.
46 Id.
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levels of job satisfaction and higher turnover
rates.47
Conclusion on the Impact on Health Care
Professionals and Quality of Care
The United-Sierra merger poses a
substantial threat to competition leading to
reduced compensation for health care
professionals who may be forced to reduce
service and quality of care. This reduced
quality of care ‘‘would likely be harmful or
prejudicial to the members of the public who
purchase insurance.’’ Further consolidation
in the HMO and health coverage markets in
Nevada may have detrimental short-term and
long-term effects by exacerbating the crisis of
the health professional shortage. Competition
is essential to the delivery of high quality
health care services. The United-Sierra
merger will further distort the already
concentrated and inefficient Nevada health
care market.
Barriers to Entry Are High
As noted earlier, entry can be a factor in
the analysis of a merger that may reverse the
presumption of anticompetitive effects. The
courts have required that ‘‘entry into the
market will likely avert the anticompetitive
effects from the acquisition.’’ FTC v. Staples,
970 F. Supp. 1066, 1086 (D.D.C. 1997). Entry
must be ‘‘timely, likely insufficient in its
magnitude. character and scope to deter or
counteract the competitive effects’’ of a
proposed acquisition. Merger Guidelines
§ 3.0.
The barriers to entry in the HMO and
health insurance markets in Nevada and
Clark County are very high. There has been
relatively little recent entry into either Clark
County or Nevada. The fact that United, the
largest health insurer in the U.S., chose to
enter into Nevada through two acquisitions—
PacifiCare and Sierra—suggests the
significant difficulty of de novo entry in
these markets.
Generally, entry into health insurance
markets is difficult. The health care industry
does not fit the traditional model of perfect
competition as expounded by the Chicago
School.48 For example, there is a high degree
of ‘‘lock-in’’ because plan sponsors cannot
disrupt the medical treatment of countless
employee/patients. New entrants are
vulnerable to the high switching costs that
characterize the health insurance industry.
Many consumers have no choice for health
coverage plans and must accept the plan
provided by an employer. Other consumers
can only switch during an ‘‘open enrollment’’
season. Doctors cannot easily switch their
patients to a different health plan and, in the
47 See Jennifer Kettle, Factors Affecting Job
Satisfaction in the Registered Nurse, Journal of
Undergraduate Nursing Scholarship, Fall 2002 (last
viewed July 9, 2007) https://
www.juns.nursing.arizona.edu/articles/
Fall%202002/Kettle.htm.
48 See Thomas Greaney, Chicago’s Procrustean
Bed: Applying Antitrust Law in Health Care, 71
Antitrust L.J. 857 n. 1 (2004) (‘‘Perfectly competitive
markets demonstrate the following four
characteristics: (1) Perfect product homogeneity (2)
large numbers of buyers and sellers (3) perfect
knowledge of market conditions by all market
participants and (4) complete mobility of all
product resources.’’)
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absence of a large number of patients
enrolled in a plan, a doctor may find that
additional claim processing costs exceed the
benefits of carrying an additional health
coverage provider. Similarly, doctors may be
reluctant to switch plans because earnings
lost in pursuit of new patients and alternate
third-party payers may lead to exorbitant
losses.49
Developing an HMO from scratch requires
extensive expenditure on recruiting and
maintaining health professionals, developing
computer information systems and data
banks, and high expenditures on overhead
and clinical facilities. De novo entry is very
challenging since new entrants must develop
a reputation and product recognition with
purchasers to convince them to disrupt their
current relationships with the dominant
health insurers.50 As a recent DOJ/FTC report
on health care competition reported, there
has been relatively little de novo entry by
national health insurers.51
Not surprisingly the DOJ has recognized
the substantial barriers to entry and
expansion in health insurance markets. In the
Aetna/Prudential merger, the DOJ found
substantial entry barriers. Certainly Dallas
and Houston were attractive markets for
health insurers. Both markets had a
substantial number of alternative health
insurers capable of expansion. And there
were numerous competitors in other Texas
markets that were capable of entering into
these markets. Yet the DOJ found substantial
entry barriers and that entry could take two
to three years and cost up to $50 million.52
In particular it found that it was ‘‘unlikely
that a company that currently provides PPO
or indemnity health insurance in either
Dallas or Houston would shift its resources
to provide an HMO or HMO–POS plan’’ in
either market.53
Entry barriers are even more substantial in
Nevada and Clark County. The shortage of
health care professionals in Nevada increases
barriers to entry because new entrants are
unlikely to be able to contract with an
adequate number of health professionals to
attract new plan sponsors and enrollees.
Moreover, when a dominant HMO maintains
a high market share, other health providers
49 Moreover, most employee/patients are limited
to the physicians within the plan sponsors contract.
50 At the FTC/DOJ Health Care hearings, a former
Missouri Commissioner of Insurance suggested that
new entrants ‘‘face a Catch 22—they need a large
provider network to attract customers, but they also
need a large number of customers to obtain
sufficient price discounts from providers to be
competitive with the incumbents.’’ In addition, he
observed that there is a first mover, or early mover,
advantage in the HMO industry, possibly resulting
in later entrants having a worse risk pool from
which to recruit members. He also observed
reputation may inhibit entry. See Improving Health
Care: A Dose of Competition, A Report by the
Federal Trade Commission and the Department of
Justice, Chapter 6 at 10 (July 2004), available at
https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/health_care/
204694/chapter6.htm#3.
51 Id. at 11 (citing testimony that the only
successful entry of national plans has been by
purchasing hospital-owned local health plans).
52 In light of the health professional shortage in
Nevada, these values could be understated.
53 Complaint at paragraph 23.
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may perceive or experience higher rates of
adverse selection, moral hazard, and general
vulnerability to tactics by a dominant HMO
to raise rival’s costs.54 Experience indicates
that new HMOs have not historically entered
highly concentrated markets after a merger
occurs.
The parties may also suggest that some of
the smaller HMOs and health insurance
providers in Nevada may be able to expand
post-merger to prevent any anticompetitive
effects. This is extremely unlikely because
the fringe firms are currently so extremely
small and far smaller than a combined
United-Sierra. In cases with an even far
smaller size disparity between the merged
and fringe firms courts have declined to find
that small players might suddenly expand to
constrain a price increase by leading firms.
United States v. Philadelphia Nat’l Bank, 374
U.S. 321, 367 (1963); United States v.
Rockford Mem. Corp., 898 F.2d 1278, 1283–
84 (7th Cir. 1990) (‘‘three firms having 90
percent of the market can raise prices with
relatively little fear that the fringe of
competitors will be able to defeat the attempt
by expanding their own output to serve
customers of the three large firms’’).
The small firm expansion claim was
rejected by the DOJ in Aetna/Prudential, a
case with far smaller post-merger market
shares and a far greater number of fringe
firms:
Due not only to these costs and difficulties,
but also to advantages that Aetna and
Prudential hold over their existing
competitors—including nationally
recognized quality accreditation, product
array, provider network and national scope
and reputation—existing HMO and HMO–
POS competitors in Dallas or Houston are
unlikely to be able to expand or reposition
themselves sufficiently to restrain
anticompetitive conduct by Aetna in either of
these geographic markets.55
History demonstrates that one can not rely
on new entry in Clark County. Few
competitors from the rest of Nevada have
been able to successfully enter Clark County.
Attempting to enter into a market dominated
by a single firm is a daunting task. There may
be several obstacles to expansion including
cost disadvantages, efficiencies of scale and
scope and reputational barriers. In other
mergers, the courts have found these types of
impediments to be significant barriers to
entry and expansion. For example, in the
FTC’s successful challenge to mergers of drug
wholesalers the court noted: ‘‘[t]he sheer
economies of scale and scale and strength of
reputation that the Defendants already have
over these wholesalers serve as barriers to
competitors as they attempt to grow in
size.’’ 56 We believe similar obstacles exist for
potential entrants in these markets.
54 See Roger Noll, Buyer Power and Antitrust:
‘‘Buyer Power’’ and Economic Policy, 72 Antitrust
L.J. 589, 2005.
55 Complaint at paragraph 24. In Aetna, the postmerger market shares were 44% and 62% and there
were between 10–12 smaller competitors capable of
expansion. In this case, the post-merger market
share is greater than 90% and there are a handful
of smaller competitors.
56 FTC v. Cardinal Health, Inc., 12 F. Supp. 34,
57 (D.D.C. 1998); see United States v. Rockford
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49871
Relying on promises of entry and
expansion may be a risky path for
competition and consumers. In recent FTC/
DOJ health care hearings, a former Missouri
Commissioner of Insurance discussed several
HMO mergers that his office approved based
on the parties’ arguments that entry was easy,
that there were no capacity constraints on
existing competitors (there were at least ten
HMO competitors), and that any of the 320
insurers in the state could easily enter the
HMO market. Unfortunately, those
predictions were mistaken and there has
been no entry in the St. Louis HMO market
since the mid-1990s.57 This experience,
should make any regulator cautious about
relying on predictions of new entry.
Efficiencies of the United-Sierra Merger Are
Minimal
The parties have not suggested that there
are significant efficiencies that may result
from the merger. Under the Nevada statute,
the Commissioner can consider efficiencies
that either ‘‘create[] substantial economies of
scale or economies in the use of resources
that may not be created in any other manner’’
or ‘‘substantially increase[] the availability of
insurance.’’ 58 In either case, the public
benefit of either of these efficiencies must
exceed the loss of competition. This standard
simply can not be met in this case where the
merger creates a dominant firm.
As a matter of U.S. merger law, efficiencies
can justify an otherwise anticompetitive
merger in very limited circumstances. Those
efficiencies which are considered under the
antitrust laws are solely those efficiencies
which lead to improvements for consumers
in terms of lower prices, greater innovation
or greater service and quality. Moreover, an
efficiency must be merger specific—that is it
can not be achieved in any less
anticompetitive fashion. When a cost savings
does not result in those benefits to consumers
it is not properly considered.
The record on recent health insurance
mergers does not suggest that these mergers
have led to substantial benefits to consumers
in lower prices, better quality of care or
service. Despite the occurrence of hundreds
of health insurance mergers that have
occurred in the past decade, subscriber
premiums have continued to rise at twice the
rate of inflation and physician fees.59 Health
benefits have not expanded with subscriber
premiums.60 Consequently, the efficiencies
Memorial Hosp., 898 F.2d 1278. l283–84 (7th Cir.
1990) (‘‘the fact [that fringe firms] are so small
suggests that they would incur sharply rising costs
in trying almost to double their output . . . it is this
prospect which keeps them small’’).
57 Testimony of Jay Angoff, former Missouri
Commissioner of Insurance, before the FTC/DOJ
Healthcare Hearings, April 23, 2003 at 40–45,
discussed at Improving Health Care: A Dose of
Competition, A Report by the Federal Trade
Commission and the Department of Justice, Chapter
6 at 10 (July 2004), available at https://
www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/health_care/204694/
chapter6.htm#3.
58 NRS 692C.256(3).
59 Laura Benko, ‘‘Monopoly Concerns: AMA Asks
Antitrust Regulators to Restore Balance,’’ Modern
Physician, June 1, 2006.
60 Best Wire, ‘‘Study Says Competition in Health
Markets Waning,’’ Best Wire Apr. 19, 2006.
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in health insurance mergers deserve careful
scrutiny and a heavy dose of skepticism.61
The actual record on efficiencies from
health insurance mergers is spotty at best. As
Professor Lawton Burns has observed in
Congressional testimony:
[T)he recent historical experience with
mergers of managed care plans and other
types of enterprises does not reveal any longterm efficiencies.
[E]ven in the presence of [efforts to achieve
cost-savings] and defined post-integration
strategies, scale economies and merger
efficiencies are difficult to achieve. The
econometric literature shows that scale
economies in HMO health plans are reached
at roughly 100,000 enrollees. * * *
Moreover, the provision of health insurance
(e.g., front-office and back-office functions) is
a labor-intensive rather than capital-intensive
industry. As a result, there are minimal
economies to reap as scale increases. * * *
Finally, there is little econometric evidence
for economies of scope in these health
plans—e.g,. serving both the commercial and
Medicare populations. Serving these different
patient populations requires different types
of infrastructure. Hence, few efficiencies may
be reaped from serving large and diverse
client populations. Indeed, really large firms
may suffer from diseconomies of scale.62
United’s actual record in achieving
efficiencies is a mixed one at best. Bigger is
not necessarily better and a national platform
is not better than a local one. To provide just
one example, United completely disrupted
efficient working relationships between
University Medical Center and PacifiCare by
replacing the local insurer’s claims
processing with a more bureaucratic national
one.63 This disruption in working operations
increased the number of unpaid claims and
created other problems with provider
services. One need look no further than
United’s track record for inadequate claims
processing over the past five years.
• The Nebraska Department of Insurance,
which imposed a fine of $650,000, the largest
ever, on United Health for inadequately
handling complaints, grievance, and appeals.
• In March 2006, the Arizona Department
of Insurance fined United $364,750 for
violating State law by denying services and
claims, delaying payment to providers and
failing to keep proper records.
• In December 2005, the Texas Department
of Insurance fined United $4 million for
failing to pay promptly, lacking accurate
claim data reports and not maintaining
adequate complaint logs. They also had to
pay restitution to physicians.64
State imposed fines are an inadequate
remedy for poor services to patients and
doctors. First, the actual payer of these fines
is the consumer, because United can pass
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61 See
Laura Benko, ‘‘Bigger Yes, But Better?’’
Modern Health Care, March 19, 2007.
62 Testimony of Professor Lawton R. Burns re. the
Highmark/lndependence Blue Cross Merger, before
the Senate Judiciary Committee (April 7, 2007).
63 See Laura Benko, ‘‘Bigger Yes, But Better?’’
Modern Health Care, March 19, 2007.
64 Marshall Allen, ‘‘Insurer Comes Here With a
Trail of Fines From Other States,’’ Las Vegas Sun,
June 20, 2007.
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these fines on to consumers in the form of
higher premiums and co-payments. Second,
fines pose no solace to patients that may
suffer the persistent hounding from creditors
as a result of unpaid insurance claims.
Further consolidation will only enhance the
likelihood of shoddy claims service since
consumers will have few rivals to turn to in
response to poor quality of service.
United may suggest the merger is
procompetitive because it will lead to
improved cost containment initiatives. Of
course, Sierra may adopt those measures
without a merger. In addition, although
efforts to contain costs are rooted in
legitimate needs, the actual implementation
of cost containment efforts can produce
negative consequences for the quality of
health care provided to consumers. However,
most cost containment efforts center on
decreasing utilization. Moreover, in
concentrated markets, the likelihood of
administered pricing and agreements not to
reimburse for a procedure is more likely.
Ultimately, the insurer’s gross margin
increases by reducing access to care and the
quality of care for consumers.
The burden should be on the merging
parties to demonstrate that the efficiencies
they put forward are not speculative, that
they exceed the likely anticompetitive effects
on consumers and suppliers of services, and
that the benefits will be passed on in the
form of lower premiums and better quality,
rather than larger profits for shareholders. It
is highly unlikely that burden can be met in
this case.
Recommendations
The United-Sierra merger poses a serious
threat to competition in the provision of
insurance and health care services in Nevada,
especially Clark County. This merger requires
heightened scrutiny given the currently high
concentration of the health coverage
providers in the Nevada market and the
current shortage of health care professionals
in the State. The merger should be denied
because it ‘‘would * * * substantially * * *
lessen competition in insurance in Nevada or
tend to create and monopoly,’’ through the
creation of a dominant health insurance
provider particularly in Clark County.
Moreover, it will lead to a reduction in the
level and quahty of service thus harming and
prejudicing ‘‘the members of the public who
purchase insurance.’’ Enhancement of
Nevada’s health care requires increased
levels of competitton and greater market
efficiency, which cannot be achieved through
a merger between two of the States largest
health insurance providers. The likelihood of
competitive harms from the United-Sierra
merger is substantial, and the procompetitive
benefits de minimus. Pursuant to NRS
692C.258(l), we urge the Commissioner to
deny the merger application.
In the matter of: In the United States
District Court for the District of Columbia,
United States of America, Plaintiff, v.
UnitedHealth Group Incorporated and Sierra
Health Services, Inc.; Defendants.
[Civil No. 1:08–cv–00322] Judge: Ellen S.
Huvelle. Filed: 2/25/2008.
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Comments of the American Medical
Association, Nevada State Medical
Association and The Clark County Medical
Society on the Proposed Consent Order
On February 25, 2008 the Antitrust
Division of the Department of Justice filed a
complaint and proposed final judgment
(‘‘PFJ’’) with this Court regarding the
acquisition of Sierra Health Services by
UnitedHealth Group. Although this
acquisition creates a dominant health insurer
and permanently transforms the health
insurance market for Clark County, Nevada,
the DOJ identified a very limited set of
competitive concerns in the Medicare
Advantage market and proposed a remedy
limited to that market.
The American Medical Association,
Nevada State Medical Association and the
Clark County Medical Society file these
comments pursuant to the Antitrust
Procedures and Penalties Act, 15 U.S.C.
16(b–e) (known as the ‘‘Tunny Act’’) because
the DOJ’s complaint and PFJ are seriously
inadequate to remedy the competitive
concerns arising from this transaction. This
merger results in United dominating the
commercial health insurance market with
over a 56% market share. In spite of the
substantial level of concentration resulting
from this merger, the DOJ chose to challenge
the impact of the merger on a single
duplicative product, Medicare Advantage.
The Justice Department’s enforcement action
is inadequate in several respects.
• It fails to secure relief in the market for
the purchase of physician services;
• It fails to secure relief in the commercial
insurance market; and
• It fails to prevent United from using
contractual provisions such as most favored
nations and all products clauses that may
diminish the likelihood that the remedy will
fully restore competition. The relief is also
inadequate to fully restore competition in the
Medicare Advantage market.
Finally, we explain why United’s history of
regulatory violations should raise significant
concerns about relying on its promises to
comply with the PFJ.
The DOJ decision not to challenge this
acquisition is inconsistent with critical
healthcare concerns. As documented in
recent Congressional hearings before the
Senate Judiciary Committee and the House
Small Business Committee there is a
tremendous trend of health insurance
consolidation, which has led to higher
premiums and a greater number of
uninsured.1 The proposed merger faced
almost unprecedented opposition from
community groups, public interest groups,
healthcare alliances, physicians, nurses.
employers. and state legislators.2
1 See testimony from: Examining Competition in
Group Health Care, Hearing before the Senate
Judiciary Committee, 109th Cong. (Sept. 6, 2006),
and Health Insurer Consolidation—The impact on
Small Business, Hearing before the House Small
Business Committee, 110th Cong. (Oct. 25, 2007).
2 For example, see Jennifer Robison, MERGERS
AND ACQUISITIONS: Buyout sessions conclude.
Las Vegas Rev. J. (July 28, 2007). Twenty-four
organizations and individuals ranging from doctors
and nurses to business owners, spoke out in
opposition to the merger at the Nevada Dept. of Ins.
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As described herein. the DOJ enforcement
action is insufficient to address the critical
healthcare and competitive concerns in the
market highlighted by the widespread
opposition. In spite of the particularly fragile
Nevada health care delivery system, DOJ
applied an even more lax standard than used
in previous mergers and permitted an
unprecedented level of concentration clearly
in violation of the law and the Merger
Guidelines. Ultimately, the Nevada Attorney
General had to step in and file a separate case
in federal court with 61-page consent order
to address some, but not all, of the concerns
ignored by the DOJ.3 The PFJ should be
rejected and this matter should be reopened
to fully address the competitive concerns
raised by this merger.
I. The Interests of the Parties
These comments are submitted on behalf of
the American Medical Association, a nonprofit professional association of
approximately 240,000 physicians, residents,
and medical students; the Nevada State
Medical Association, and the Clark County
Medical Society. The Medical Associations
represent the interests of 1,458 doctors in the
State of Nevada, and in particular 846
doctors in Clark County. These physicians
will be competitively injured from the
merger. The merger will result in a dominant
health insurance company with the unilateral
ability to reduce the level of compensation to
physicians and in turn reduce the level of
service and quality of treatment that those
physicians can provide to patients. In
addition, those physicians purchase
insurance for themselves and their
employees and will have to pay more for
insurance because of this merger.
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II. Procedural Background
In March 2007 United announced its
proposed purchase of Sierra for $2.6 billion.
In May, the DOJ issued a ‘‘second request’’
under the federal Hart-Scott-Rodino
AntitrustImprovements Act of 1976, seeking
more information. The state of Nevada
conducted a simultaneous investigation.4
On February 25, 2008, after an 11-month
investigation. the DOJ and Nevada Attorney
General’s office filed simultaneous, but
separate enforcement actions. The DOJ action
claimed that the merger would pose
significant competitive problems in the
Medicare Advantage health insurance market
in Las Vegas, Nevada because the merged
firm would control 94% of the market. The
DOJ alleged this would result in higher
hearings held July 2007. In addition, there was
strong opposition to the merger by consumer groups
including Consumers Federation of American and
the American Antitrust Institute. See testimony of
David A. Balto before the Nevada Commissioner of
Insurance on the UnitedHealth Group proposed
acquisition of Sierra Health Services, Inc. (July 27,
2007) (appended herein as Attachment C).
3 State of Nevada v. UnitedHealth Group Inc. and
Sierra Health Services, Inc., Case No. 2:08–cv–
00233 (D. NV 2008).
4 The Nevada Division of Insurance conducted
hearings and approved the merger in August 2007
based on an agreement that United would maintain
staffing levels in its local home office, would not
pass on acquisition costs to subscribers, and other
provisions.
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prices, fewer choices, and a reduction in the
quality of plans purchased by seniors in this
area. These concerns were partially
addressed within the PFJ which merely
requires the divestiture of United’s Medicare
Advantage business.
Simultaneously, the state of Nevada filed a
complaint and decree in federal court in Las
Vegas, Nevada. The 61-page Nevada consent
order also compelled the divestiture of
United’s Medicare Advantage business; but
went far beyond the DOJ action and
addressed competitive concerns involving
physicians, Clark County, the University
Medical Center and the delivery of healthcare
to underserved populations. For example, on
physician-related concerns, the Nevada
decree enjoins the merging parties from
enforcing all products and most favored
nations clauses in their contracts for a period
of two years, prohibits the merging parties
from entering into exclusive contracts with
physicians for a period of two years, and
creates a Physicians Council for the purpose
of addressing the relations between United
and physicians, among other relief.
III. The Tunney Act Standards
The Tunney Act requires that ‘‘[b]efore
entering any consent judgment proposed by
the United States * * *, the court shall
determine that the entry of such judgment is
in the public interest.’’, 16 U.S.C. § 15(e)(1).
In applying this ‘‘public interest’’ standard
the burden is on the government to ‘‘provide
a factual basis for concluding that the
settlements are reasonably adequate remedies
for the alleged harms.’’ United States v. SBC,
489 F.Supp. 2d 1, 16, (D.D.C. 2007), citing
United States v. Microsoft Corp., 56 F.3d
1448, 1460–61 (D.C. Cir. 1995).
The 2004 Congressional amendments to
this Act specifically overruled District of
Columbia Circuit Court of Appeals and
District Court precedent that was deemed
overly deferential to Antitrust Division
consent decrees.5 In response to those
5 In this matter, the DOJ may claim that the
court’s review is limited to reviewing the remedy
in relationship to the violations that the United
States has alleged in its complaint, and does not
authorize the court to go beyond the scope of the
complaint. See FR 73, No. 47, at 12774 (March 10,
2008). We believe that view is inconsistent with the
legislative history of the 2004 Amendments to the
Tunney Act. Congress amended the Tunney Act in
2004 to overrule District of Columbia Circuit Court
of Appeals and District Court precedent that was
overly deferential to Antitrust Division consent
decrees. The amendments to the Tunney Act
compel the reviewing court to consider, inter alia,
the ‘‘impact’’ of the entry of judgment on
‘‘competition in the relevant market.’’ See Pub. L.
108–327, § 221(b)(2) rewriting 15 U.S.C. § 16(e).
No suggestion is made in the statute or legislative
history that the courts should defer to either the
Government’s identification of injury or the
Government’s proposed remedy to that injury. On
the contrary, as one of the authors of the legislation
noted, the reviewing court is to achieve an
‘‘independent, objective, and active determination
without deference to the DOJ.’’ See 150 Cong. Rec.,
S. 3617 (April 2, 2004) (Statement of Sen. Kohl).
For criticism of the overly deferential standard
see Darren Bush and John J. Flynn, The Misuse and
Abuse of the Tunney Act: The Adverse
Consequences of the ‘‘Microsoft Fallacies’’, 34 Loy.
U. Chi. L.J. 749 (2002–2003).
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49873
decisions, Congress reemphasized its
intention that courts reviewing consent
decrees ‘‘make an independent, objective,
and active determination without deference
to the DOJ.’’ 6 Courts are to provide an
‘‘independent safeguard’’ against ‘‘inadequate
settlements’’.7 Specifically, the Act was
amended to compel reviewing courts to
consider both ‘‘ambiguity’’ in the terms of the
proposed remedy, as well as the ‘‘impact’’ of
the proposed settlements on ‘‘competitors in
the relevant market or markets.’’ 8 Moreover,
the 2004 amendments were adopted to
highlight that Congress expected an
independent judiciary to oversee proposed
settlements to ensure that the needs of the
consumer were met.
We submit the DOJ has an extra burden to
justify the limited relief in this case for two
important reasons. First, the DOJ decision not
to bring an enforcement action challenging
the anticompetitive effects of the merger in
the physician services or commercial
insurance markets described herein is
inconsistent with past enforcement actions
such as United/PacifiCare9 and Aetna/
Prudential,10 in which it required a
enforcement policy on health insurance
mergers it bears an obligation to disclose the
reasons for those changes, so that the court
can determine whether entry of the PFJ is in
the public interest.
Second, the action taken by the DOJ is
inconsistent with the State of Nevada’s
separate suit challenging the merger in
federal court in Nevada. In that action, the
Nevada Attorney General secured relief to
address some of the substantial concerns
raised by the medical associations, consumer
groups, Clark County, and public interest
groups. The Department’s failure to address
these concerns in its enforcement action
requires heightened scrutiny by this court.
As described herein, the Department’s
apparent abandonment of its prior
enforcement policies and failure to address
the concerns recognized by the State of
Nevada is especially unfortunate given the
national shortage of physicians and the
medical market distress that is particularly
acute in Nevada.11 All of these concerns
demand the attention of this court.
IV. No Relief in the Market for the Purchase
of Physician Services
The DOJ erred in failing to secure relief in
the market for the purchase of physician
services, even though the merger will
significantly increase the level of
concentration in that market. The merger will
increase United’s overall market share in the
sale of commercial insurance products to
6 See 150 Cong. Rec., S 3617 (April 2,2004)
(Statement of Sen. Kohl).
7 Id.
8 Id.
9 United States v. UnitedHealth Group, Inc., Case
No. 1:05CV02436 (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2005) (complaint)
[hereafter United/PacifiCare Complaint], available
at www.usdoij.gov/atr/cases/f213800/213815.htm.
10 United States v. Aetna, Inc., Case No.
3:99CV1398–H (N.D. Tex. June 21, 1999)
(complaint) [hereinafter Aetna Complaint],
available at www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f2500/
2501.pdf.
11 See Section IX herein.
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56%. By combining two of the three largest
buyers of physician services in Clark County,
the merger poses a significant threat of
reducing physicians’ compensation and
leading to an overall decrease of the level of
service provided to patients.
The DOJ has brought enforcement actions
on potential concerns over the decrease in
competition in the past at market share levels
similar or less significant than in this matter.
In Aetna/Prudential it required a divestiture
where the commercial insurance market
shares would increase from 44% to 63% in
Houston 12 and 26% to 42% in Dallas 13. In
United/Pacificare it required a divestiture
where the commercial insurance market
shares increased from 16% to 33% in
Tucson 14 and to over 30% in Boulder,
Colorado.15 These enforcement actions were
brought even though the defendants alleged
much lower market shares in the purchase of
physician services markets.
The nature of the health care industry
facilitates the potential for a dominant health
insurer to exercise monopsony power over
physicians selling health care services within
a geographic region. Because medical
services can be neither stored nor exported,
health care professionals have limited
options for selling their services to buyers
(insurance firms and their customers). If the
physicians were to refuse the terms of the
dominant buyer, they would likely suffer an
irrevocable loss of revenue. Consequently, a
physician’s ability to terminate a relationship
with an insurance coverage plan depends on
that physician’s ability to make up lost
business by switching to an alternative
insurance coverage plan. Where, as in the
instant case, those alternatives are lacking, a
physician may be forced to reduce the level
of service in response to a decrease in
compensation. Moreover, it is difficult to
convince patients to switch to different
plans.16 Consequently, according to the DOJ
in past enforcement actions, these physicians
would not be in a position to reject a ‘‘take
it or leave it’’ contract offer and could be
forced to accept low reimbursement rates
from a merged entity, likely leading to a
reduction in quantity or degradation in
quality of physician services.
Moreover, the size of the insurer impacts
the ability of a physician to leave or credibly
threaten to leave a plan. Not all health
insurers are equal from the perspective of a
physician. To terminate participation in a
health insurer, a physician must make up the
lost revenue. Smaller plans will offer fewer
prospective patients. It makes little sense for
a physician to switch to a plan which has a
substantially smaller market share because
12 Aetna
Complaint at paragraph 22.
13 Id.
14 United/PacifiCare
Complaint at 27.
at paragraph 41.
16 As alleged in the United/PacifiCare complaint,
physicians encouraging patients to change plans ‘‘is
particularly difficult for patients employed by
companies that sponsor only one plan because the
patient would need to persuade the employer to
sponsor an additional plan with the desired
physician in the plan’s network’’ or the patient
would have to use the physician on an out-ofnetwork basis at a higher cost. Complaint at
paragraph 37.
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15 Id.
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there will not be enough patients to sustain
the physician practice. Thus, it is critical for
antitrust enforcers to maintain a competitive
market in which physicians have adequate
competitive alternatives.17
These concerns are documented by the
affidavit of Professor David Dranove, the
Walter McNerney Distinguished Professor of
Health Industry Management at the Kellogg
School of Management at Northwestern
University.18 Professor Dranove investigated
the impact of the United/Sierra merger on the
purchase of physician services. Based on the
physician survey, consisting of supervising
interviews with physicians and his
knowledge of healthcare markets, he
concludes there is a relevant market for the
purchase of physician services in Clark
County, Nevada. He further concludes that
the merger will pose a substantial risk of
harm in that market, and will adversely affect
both physicians and consumers.
Professor Dranove posits that perhaps one
reason that the DOJ did not seek to remedy
potential anticompetitive effects in the
market for the purchase of physician services
is that the DOJ mistakenly underestimated
the monopsony power created by the merger
by including Medicare and Medicaid in the
relevant market. Physicians can not increase
their revenue from Medicare and Medicaid in
response to a decrease in commercial
medical insurer compensation. Enrollment in
these programs is limited to the elderly and
disabled and there are only a fixed number
of these patients. Moreover, Medicaid pays
physicians significantly less than commercial
insurance payers. Professor Dranove
concludes: ‘‘Medicare and Medicaid do not
represent viable alternatives for physicians
who face lower fees from a monopsonist
insurer. Because Medicare and Medicaid are
large purchasers of physician services,
excluding them from market share
17 In most cases, like this one, a firm with
monopsony power will also have market power in
the downstream market—the sale of commercial
insurance so that lower input prices do not lead to
lower consumer output prices. See Peter J. Hammer
and William M. Sage, Monopsony as an Agency and
Regulatory Problem in Health Care, 71 Antitrust L.J.
949, 967 (2004). But even if that was not the case,
there may be antitrust concerns if a health insurer
can lower compensation to physicians even if it can
not raise prices to patients. For example, in United/
PacifiCare the DOI required a divestiture based on
monopsony concerns in Boulder even though
United/PacifiCare would not necessarily have had
market power in the sale of health insurance. The
reason is straightforward—the reduction in
compensation would lead to diminished service
and quality of care, which harms consumers even
though the direct prices paid by subscribers do not
increase. See Gregory J. Werden, Monopsony and
the Sherman Act: Consumer Welfare in a New Light.
74 Antitrust L.J. 707 (2007) (explaining reasons to
challenge monopsony power even where there is no
immediate impact on consumers). Marius Schwartz,
Buyer Power Concerns and the Aetna-Prudential
Merger, Address Before the 5th Annual Health Care
Antitrust Forum at Northwestern University School
of Law 4–6 (October 20, 1999) (noting that
anticompetitive effects can occur even if the
conduct does not adversely affect the ultimate
consumers who purchase the end-product),
available at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/
speeches/3924.wpd.
18 See Dranove Aff. (May 13, 2008), appended
herein as Attachment A.
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calculations will profoundly change
inferences about market shares and
monopsony power.19 Medicare and Medicaid
should therefore be excluded when
computing shares in the market for the
purchase of physician services.
Although the market share information in
the market for the purchase of physician
services is not publicly available there are
proxies that can be used. The shares of the
commercial market present a useful proxy of
the share in the physician market. Professor
Dranove has determined that the market
shares in Sierra and United in the Las Vegas
metropolitan area (which closely
approximates Clark County) were 38% and
18% respectively. The combined market
share is 56%. Professor Dranove concludes
that this combined share, as well as the
increase in share, raises substantial concerns
about monopsony power that the DOJ does
not appear to have addressed.20 United/
Sierra’s combined market share in the
commercial market suggests they have a
substantial market share in the physician
payment market. These market shares are
clearly sufficient to raise concerns over the
exercise of monopsony power.21
Professor Dranove’s affidavit and the
results of the physician survey demonstrate
the potential anticompetitive effects of the
merger on the delivery of physician services.
As he observes, some physicians would have
to cut back on the level of service. Other
physicians would consider moving from the
market. Other physicians might be forced to
see fewer patients. Professor Dranove
summarizes the potential harm to consumers:
Part and parcel with a reduction in the
compensation of physicians will be a
reduction in the number of physicians who
participate in the monopsonist’s network.
(This is the natural consequence of a
monopsonist moving down its upward
sloping supply curve.)22 The patients who
previously utilized the services of physicians
who are no longer in the network must now
either (a) select another, less preferred
physician within the network, or (b) see their
prior physician out-of-network and
consequently pay higher out-of-network fees.
Either way, these patients are worse off than
before the exercise of monopsony power.
Even the patients of physicians who
remain in the United/Sierra network may be
19 Id.
at 4.
at 4.
21 For example, in United/PacifiCare the DOJ
alleged that the combined firm would account for
an excess of 35% of physician reimbursement in
Tucson and over 30% in Boulder. Yet in both of
these actions DOJ required a divestiture in order to
resolve concerns about the potential exercise of
monopsony power. In addition, as a former DOJ
official explains, the unique nature of health care
physician services explains why monopsony
concerns are raised at lower levels of concentration
than may be appropriate in other industries. Mark
Botti, Remarks before the ABA Antitrust Section,
‘‘Observations on and from the Antitrust Division’s
Buyer-Side Cases: How Can ‘‘Lower’’ Prices Violate
the Antitrust Laws,’’ (April 18, 2007).
22 When supply is upward sloping, a seller with
monopsony power profits by reducing the wages it
pays, relative to the competitive wage. By doing so,
fewer suppliers offer their goods and services, so
that the monopsonist ends up reducing the quantity
of output it produces.
20 Id.
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worse off, because the reduction in the fees
paid to these physicians may cause them to
reduce the quantity and/or quality of services
they provide* * *
If physicians reduce their office hours, this
is likely to affect access for all of their
patients. (Physicians who contract with a
monopsonist could not normally limit their
availability to the monopsonist’s patients
only.) Similarly, if a physician cuts back on
staff and/or equipment, or invests less in
continuing education, all patients would
surfer. Of course if the physician exits the
market altogether, all patients suffer.23
The DOJ’s failure to oppose the
merger suggests that it takes a benign
view about the creation of monopsony
power. Perhaps the DOJ, like
proponents of health insurer mergers, is
now taking the view that health insurers
are ‘‘buyers’’ acting in the interest of
reducing prices. As we suggested
earlier, this view fails to come to grips
with the monopsony issue in any
meaningful way and fails to address the
reality that patients are the ultimate
consumers.24 As a general proposition,
monopsony power does decrease
economic welfare. Monopsonists drive
down their buying price by purchasing
fewer products. Because there is less
product purchased, there is, in turn, less
product sold.25 Thus, the reduced input
costs of monopsonist medical insurers
will not necessarily result in lower
premiums to patients and hence
elevated levels of consumer welfare.
This fact was emphasized by R. Hewitt
Pate, the Assistant Attorney General of
the Antitrust Division, in a 2003
statement before the Senate Judiciary
Committee:
A casual observer might believe that if a
merger lowers the price the merged firm pays
for its inputs, consumers will necessarily
benefit. The logic seems to be that because
the input purchaser is paying less, the input
purchaser’s customers should expect to pay
less also. But that is not necessarily the case.
Input prices can fall for two entirely different
reasons, one of which arises from a true
economic efficiency that will tend to result
in lower prices for final consumers. The
other, in contrast, represents an efficiencyreducing exercise of market power that will
reduce economic welfare, lower price for
suppliers, and may well result in higher
prices charged to final consumers.26
Aff. at 6–7
H. Miller, Vertical Restraints and
Powerful Health Insurers: Exclusionary Conduct
Masquerading as Managed Care?, 51 Law &
Contemp. Probs. 195, 222 (1998).
25 2A Phillip E. Areeda & Herbert Hovenkamp,
Antitrust Law § 575, at 363–64 (2002).
26 R. Hewitt Pate, Asst. Att’y Gen., Antitrust Div.,
U.S. Dept. of Justice, Statement Before the Senate
Committee on the Judiciary Concerning Antitrust
Enforcement in the Agricultural Marketplace, at 4
(Oct. 20, 2003), available at https://www.usdoj.gov/
atr/public/testimony/201430.pdf.
Moreover, University of Pennsylvania
Health Economics Professor Mark Pauly
has demonstrated that health insurers
with monopsony power may profit from
pushing provider prices ‘‘too low’’ so
that consumers do not receive an
adequate level of service and quality.27
Also, because health insurer
monopsonists typically are also
monopolists, lower input prices do not
lead to lower consumer output prices.28
In any event, health insurers are not
true fiduciaries for insurance
subscribers. Plan sponsors may have a
limited concern over the product based
on the cost of the insurance, and not the
quality of care. Furthermore, health
coverage plans operate in the interest of
a group, not in the best interest of
individual patients. Consequently,
health insurers can increase profits by
reducing the level of service and
denying medical procedures that
physicians would normally perform
based on professional judgment. In the
absence of competition among insurers,
patients are more likely to pay for these
procedures out-of-pocket or forego them
entirely. Ultimately, the creation of
monopsony power from a merger can
adversely impact both the quantity and
quality of health care.
Finally, the evidence from mergers
throughout the U.S. strongly suggests
that the creation of buyer power from
health insurance consolidation has not
benefited competition or consumers.29
Although compensation to providers
has been reduced, health insurance
premiums have continued to increase
rapidly. Moreover, evidence from other
mergers suggests that insurers do not
pass savings on from these mergers on
to consumers. Rather, insurance
premiums increase along with insurance
company profits. As Professor Lawton
Burns has observed in Congressional
testimony:
[T]he recent historical experience with
mergers of managed care plans and other
types of enterprises does not reveal any longterm efficiencies.
[E]ven in the presence of [efforts to achieve
cost-savings] and defined post-integration
strategies, scale economies and merger
efficiencies are difficult to achieve. The
econometric literature shows that scale
economies in HMO health plans are reached
23 Dranove
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27 Mark V. Pauly, Competition in Health
Insurance Markets, 51 Law & Contemp. Probs. 237
(1998).
28 Peter J. Hammer and William M. Sage,
Monopsony as an Agency and Regulatory Problem
in Health Care, 71 antitrust L.J. 949 (2004).
29 See testimony from: Examining Competition in
Group Health Care, Hearing before the Senate
Judiciary Committee, 109th Cong. (Sept. 6, 2006),
and Health Insurer Consolidation—The Impact on
Small Business, Hearing before the House Small
Business Committee, 110th Cong. (Oct. 25, 2007).
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at roughly 100,000 enrollees. * * *
Moreover, the provision of health insurance
(e.g., front-office and back-office functions) is
a labor-intensive rather than capital-intensive
industry. As a result, there are minimal
economies to reap as scale increases. * * *
Finally, there is little econometric evidence
for economies of scope in these health
plans—e.g., serving both the commercial and
Medicare populations. Serving these different
patient populations require different types of
infrastructure. Hence, few efficiencies may be
reaped from serving large and diverse client
populations. Indeed, really large firms may
suffer from diseconomies of scale.30
Concerns about the merger’s impact in
the physician market were recognized
by the Nevada Attorney General in the
companion enforcement action brought
in federal court in Nevada. The Nevada
Attorney General, although filing a
similar complaint, secured some relief
to address physician reimbursement
issues. The Department’s failure to
address these concerns demonstrates the
inadequacy of its enforcement action.
In sum, the merger poses significant
risks of harm in the market for the
purchase of physician services and will
lead to a diminution of the quality of
healthcare in Clark County’s
underserved healthcare market. The DOJ
should have secured relief that would
have prevented this harm in the
physician services market. In any case,
the DOJ should provide an extensive
statement on its reasons not to bring an
enforcement action in this market,
including whether the relevant market
includes governmental payors.31
V. The DOJ Has Arbitrarily Departed
From its Past Antitrust Enforcement
Policies
As discussed earlier, the DOJ has
brought enforcement actions against
insurance mergers which threatened
harm to the market for the purchase of
physician services. In these cases, the
DOJ adopted the position that antitrust
should be concerned with monopsony
30 Testimony of Professor Lawton R. Burns re. the
Highmark/Independence Blue Cross Merger, before
the Senate Judiciary Committee (April 7, 2007).
31 Providing clarity on the reasons not to bring an
enforcement action in these markets is consistent
with the Division’s policy on ‘‘Issuance of Public
Statements Upon Closing of Investigations,’’
available athttps://
www.usdoj,goviatripublicimidelines/201888.htm
(factors that will lead to the issuance of a closing
statement include ‘‘whether the matter has received
substantial publicity [and] the value to the public
in receiving information regarding the reasons for
non-enforcement (including public trust in the
Department’s enforcement, and the value of the
analysis for other enforcers, businesses and
consumers)’’). DOJ has issued closing statements in
other health insurance mergers. See DOJ Press
Release No. 04–497 (statement closing investigation
of UnitedHealth’s acquisition of Oxford Health
Plans), available at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/
public/press_ release/2004/204674.htm.
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mergers harming suppliers without the
necessity for evidence of harm to
downstream consumers.
Accordingly in challenging Aetna’s
1999 acquisition of Prudential and
United’s 2006 acquisition of PacifiCare,
the DOJ addressed the harm to health
care providers from the exercise of
monopsony power. Both of these
mergers were resolved with divestitures
to facilitate the entry of new competitors
to remedy the competitive concerns. In
the Aetna/Prudential matter, the
proposed merger would have increased
Aetna’s market share from 26% to 42%
in Dallas, giving the merged entity a
smaller share than would result from
the merger here. Nevertheless, the DOJ
concluded that the merger raised
monopsony concerns by giving the
merged firm the potential to unduly
suppress physician reimbursement
rates, resulting in a reduction of
quantity or degradation of quality of
medical services. The operative
question from DOJ’s perspective was
could health care providers defeat an
effort by the merged firm to reduce
provider compensation by a significant
amount, e.g. 5%. The question was
answered in the negative for the same
reasons explained by Professor Dranove
in the instant case: physicians have
limited ability to encourage patients to
switch health plans, and physicians’
time (unlike other commodities) cannot
be stored, which means that physicians
incur irrecoverable losses when patients
are lost but not replaced. To exacerbate
matters, contracts with physicians were
negotiated on an individual basis, and
were therefore susceptible to price
discrimination by powerful buyers.
Thus, DOJ concluded that Aetna had
sufficient power to impose adverse
contract terms on physicians, especially
decreased physician reimbursement
rates, which would ‘‘likely lead to
reduction in quantity or degradation in
the quality of physicians’ services.32 As
a remedy, the DOJ ordered Aetna to
divest the business that would have
given the merged entity monopsony
power.
VI. The DOJ’s Reversal in Its
Enforcement Stance Comes Under
Particularly Adverse Circumstances in
Nevada
Merger analysis always focuses on the
unique circumstances in every market.
The Nevada healthcare market is
particularly vulnerable, because of
longstanding shortages of healthcare
providers. Here are the simple facts:
• Nevada ranks 47th for access to care
(based on the number of adults that
32 Aetna
Complaint at paragraph 33.
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should have visited a doctor but did not
because of costs, and the number of
uninsured);
• Nevada ranks 45th in access to
physicians—approximately 25 percent
below the nationwide median and has
one of the lowest physician to
population ratios;33
• Nevada ranks 51st in the country in
quality of care (based on the number of
adults receiving recommended
screenings, diabetics receiving
preventive care, Medicare patients that
get enough time with a doctor);
• Nevada is last for immunization
coverage for children under age 3—a
fundamental role of primary care;
• Not surprisingly, based on the
foregoing data, Nevada is 41st for
mortality rates.
Assuming that Clark County’s
performance measures are similar to the
rest of the state, allowing this merger
into monopsony will for the reasons
explained earlier, lead to a further
reduction in quantity and degradation of
quality of physician services. Thus,
DOJ’s refusal to adhere to its previous
enforcement stance in cases of health
insurer mergers into monopsony
demand the attention of this court.
Turning to the market for the sale of
commercial insurance where the parties
control over 50% of the market in Clark
County, Nevada, the record of health
insurance coverage has been deplorable.
Nevada has nearly half a million
residents without health care coverage,
almost 25 percent of the State. A high
uninsured population not only presents
health problems for those without
coverage. When the uninsured do
receive medical care, the costs are often
shifted to the insured population; 2005
estimates indicate that health care
treatment for uninsured persons in
Nevada cost $397 million, $314 million
of which was covered by higher
premiums for those with insurance.34
These factors too strongly suggest that
the Court should be particularly
33 Nationally, there is a substantial and increasing
shortage of physicians. See e.g. Health Resources
and Services Administration (HRSA) Physician
Supply and Demand: Projections to 2020. (Oct
2006) Projecting a shortfall of approximately 55,000
physicians in 2020) Merritt, J., J. Hawkins, et al.
Will the Last Physician in America Please Turn Off
The Lights? A Look at America’s Looming Doctor
Shortage. Irving, TX. Practice Support Resources,
Inc. (2004) (Predicting a shortage of 90,000 to
200,000 physicians and that average wait times for
medical specialties is likely to increase dramatically
behond the current range of two to five weeks. This
problem is far worse in Nevada.
34 Paying a Premium: The Added Cost of Care for
the Uninsured. Families USA (June 2005). Available
at https://www.familiesusa.org/assets/pdfs/
Paying_a_Premium_rev_July_1373le.pdf.
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judicious in evaluating the adequacy of
the PFJ.
VII. No Relief in the Market for the Sale
of Commercial Insurance
We believe that the DOJ also erred by
not securing relief in the market for the
sale of commercial insurance. Sierra and
United were respectively the first and
third largest sellers of commercial
insurance products (including both
.HMO and PPO products). The merger
led to a combined share in the
commercial insurance market of 56%. If
the market was limited to HMO
products, where United and Sierra were
the two largest rivals the combined
market share was 90%. In similar cases,
the DOJ has required divestiture to
resolve competitive concerns.
For example in United/PacifiCare, the
DOJ defined a relevant product market
as the sale of commercial health
insurance to small group employers.
This market consisted of employers
with 2–50 employees. These employers
were particularly susceptible to
potential anticompetitive conduct
because they lacked a sufficient
employee population to self-insure and
they lacked the multiple locations
necessary to reduce risk through
geographic diversity. In addition, the
manner in which commercial health
insurance was sold also distinguished
the small and large group markets. Large
employers were more likely than
smaller employers to be able to
successfully engage in extensive
negotiations with United and PacifiCare.
We believe that both an HMO and
small employer market may be
adversely affected by the United-Sierra
merger. Surveys demonstrate that
consumers do not perceive HMOs and
PPOs as substitute products, and
consumers believe that they differ in
terms of benefit, design, cost, and
general approaches to treatment.35 PPOs
tend to provide more flexibility in
selection of physicians and specialists
and tend to be more expensive. In
contrast, HMOs focus more on
preventative medicine but limit
treatment options and require referrals
from a ‘‘gatekeeper’’ for many
procedures. Moreover, small employers
are less likely to have significant
alternatives in response to a price
increase by the merged firm. Small
employers are unable to self-insure and
have little power to negotiate better
rates.
Again, as in the physician services
market, the PFJ should be reopened to
35 See United States v. Aetna, Civil Action 3–
99CV1398–H (N.D.Tex, 1999) (Revised Complaint
Impact Statement).
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secure relief in the commercial
insurance market. In the alternative, the
DOJ should issue a comprehensive
statement of its reasons not to seek
enforcement in this market.
VIII. Inadequacy of Remedies
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Finally, the proposed remedies in the
PFJ are inadequate in several respects.
First, the restrictions that a dominant
firm can impose on physicians are often
critical to the acquirer of divested assets
to effectively compete in the market. In
this case, there are a variety of
provisions that United can use that will
deter the ability of the acquirer of the
divested Medicare Advantage business
to restore competition. For example, if
Humana (the acquirer of United’s
Medicare Advantage business) were to
attempt to attract greater physician
coverage through attractive
reimbursement rates, United could
impose ‘‘most favored nations’’
provisions, which would prevent
doctors from giving a more attractive
rate to Humana. Similarly, United could
utilize ‘‘all products clauses’’ which
would require physicians to participate
in United’s Medicare Advantage
program as a condition for participating
in United’s commercial program.36
Professor Dranove explains how both of
these provisions can be used in anticompetitive fashion.37 The PFJ should
have prevented the use of these
provisions.38
Second, the DOJ requires solely the
divestiture of the Medicare Advantage
business rather than all of United’s
health insurance business in Clark
County. This piecemeal approach faces
a significant risk of failure. There is no
evidence that a Medicare Advantage
business can operate solely on its own
without a commercial component.
There are significant economies of scope
and scale that exist when both
commercial and Medicare Advantage
businesses are combined. Moreover, the
failure to divest an entire ongoing
business is inconsistent with the DOJ’s
Merger Remedy Guidelines.39
36 All products clauses were prohibited in the
consent order in United/Pacificare. See United
States v. UnitedHealth Group Inc., Case No.
05CV0436 (D.D.C. 2005) (Competitive Impact
Statement at sec. III).
37 Dranove Aff. at 8.
38 There may be a suggestion that the relief in the
Nevada consent decree may be sufficient to address
these concerns. We do not agree with that view. The
Nevada decree only prohibits these provisions for
a short time—2 years. That period is inconsistent
with the DOJ remedy in United/PacifiCare, which
banned these provisions for the life of the
Judgment.
39 See Antitrust Division Policy Guide to Merger
Remedies, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Antitrust Division
at sec. III, C., (Oct. 2004).
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The remedy is inadequate in several
other respects. First, the DOJ recognizes
the critical aspect of trademarks in being
able to secure and keep an ongoing
business. To elderly consumers the
names ‘‘United’’ or ‘‘Sierra’’ are
nowhere near as important or prominent
as ‘‘Secure Horizons,’’ ‘‘AARP’’ or
‘‘Senior Dimensions.’’ In situations like
this where trademarks are of particular
importance to continue to secure
customer loyalty, the antitrust agencies
often prevent the merged party from
using the trademark for a period of time.
However, in this case the Justice
Department imposed that obligation for
only an extremely short period of time.
Essentially within one to two years
United can again reuse the Senior
Dimensions (after March 31, 2010) or
AARP (after March 31, 2009) trademark
and lure customers to United’s product.
We believe the remedy should be
strengthened in the following fashion.
First, the PFJ should require the
divestiture of all of United’s business
and not just the Medicare Advantage
business. Second, if the divestiture is
limited to the Medicare Advantage
business, the trademarks should be
conveyed for at least five years. Third,
United’s use of all products clauses and
most favored nations provisions should
be permanently enjoined.
IX. United’s Prior Acts of Broken
Promises
In evaluating whether the remedies in
the PFJ are adequate, it is critical to
recognize United’s past record of
continual disregard of its regulatory
obligations. No other health insurance
company has been the subject of as
many serious enforcement actions
involving the violation of consumer
protection and insurance regulations.
This record of continual regulatory
abuse raises a serious likelihood that
United will fail to comply with any
regulatory order. United has a long track
record of disregarding its regulatory
obligations and patient protection
laws.40
In February 2008, California
regulators imposed a potential penalty
of $1.3 billion in fines against United for
violating the law more than 130,000
times 41 after acquiring PacifiCare. Upon
reviewing 1.1 million claims, the
investigation found that after United
acquired PacifiCare in 2005, United
failed to pay claims in a timely manner
40 See American Medical Association letter to
Nevada Commissioner of Insurance, Alice A.
Molasky-Arman (June 5, 2007) concerning the
history of United in failing to comply with state
regulations (appended herein as Attachment B).
41 Girion, Lisa, Health Plan Faces Fines of $1.33
Billion, Los Angeles Times, January 29, 2008.
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and had over a 10% overall error rate in
processing claims. United wrongfully
denied claims for covered medical care,
with regulators finding that 30% of
reviewed HMO claims were denied
incorrectly and 55% of certain claims
were incorrectly denied as duplicate
submissions when they were not in fact
duplicate submissions. Regulators found
that 29% of reviewed provider disputes
were handled incorrectly, and that
documents including medical records,
had been lost by United. In addition,
United lacked sufficient staffing to
process claims in a timely manner and
had failed to provide accurate lists of innetwork providers to consumers.
Finally, regulators in California found
that United lacked efficient procedures
to handle provider disputes.
Earlier this year, the New York
Attorney General announced an
investigation of United and other
insurance companies for possible fraud.
The New York Attorney General
believes the insurance companies,
including United, have used corrupted
data from United-owned firm Ingenix to
set unfair and unjustifiably low
reimbursement rates for out of network
physicians, resulting in higher out-ofpocket costs for consumers.42
In a landmark enforcement action in
September 2007, Insurance
Commissioners in 36 states assessed a
$20 million fine against United Health
for ongoing failures in processing claims
and responding to consumer
complaints.43 This settlement
establishes numerous claims processing
payment requirements and makes
provisions for substantial regulatory
relief and additional fines during its
term which does not expire until
December 31, 2010.
Finally, other states have brought
similar enforcement actions against
United. In December 2006, the Nebraska
Department of Insurance imposed its
largest fine ever when it fined United
$650,000 for failing to handle
complaints, grievances and appeals in a
timely fashion. In March 2006, the
Arizona Department of Insurance fined
United $364,750 (the largest fine in its
history) for violating state law by
denying services and claims, delaying
payment to providers, and failing to
keep proper records. In December 2005,
the Texas Department of Insurance fined
United $4 million for failing to pay
claims promptly, lacking accurate claim
data reports and not maintaining
adequate complaint logs.
42 Cuomo expands probe of health insurers.
Modern Healthcare Daily Dose. March 6, 2008.
43 Allen, Marshal. 36 States Join to Fine
UnitedHealth, Las Vegas Sun, September 13, 2007.
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We believe that these violations raise
serious concerns about United’s likely
compliance with the provisions of the
PFJ and highlight the need to strengthen
the PFJ provisions. We suggest that the
PFJ be modified to immediately impose
the use of a monitor trustee to ensure
compliance with the order.
X. Conclusion
After an 11-month investigation of a
merger posing an unprecedented level
of concentration in perhaps the most
vulnerable healthcare market in the
United States, the DOJ chose a modest
remedy on a single line of business.
That remedy is inadequate to resolve the
concerns in the Medicare Advantage
market and is inconsistent with the
DOJ’s Merger Remedy Guidelines. But
more important, the FJ fails to address
the significant loss of competition in
both the purchase of physician services
and sale of commercial insurance
markets. Although the State of Nevada
attempted to supplement the modest
DOJ action, both actions permit a merger
that poses a significant threat of causing
substantial harm to consumers.
Thus, we believe the PFJ should be
rejected. If the court, however, accepts
the FJ, we strongly urge it to treat the
PFJ as an interim remedy and expressly
leave open the possibility of
supplementing the PFJ with additional
remedies to address these competitive
concerns.44
Dated: May 15 2008.
Respectfully Submitted,
David A. Balto,
Attorney at Law,
2600 Virginia Ave., NW.,
Suite 1111,
Washington, DC 20037.
Attachment A
In the matter of: United States of
America, Plaintiff v. UnitedHealth
Group Incorporated and Sierra Health
Services, Inc.; Defendants.
[Civil No. 1:08-cv-00322]
Judge: Ellen S. Huvelle.
Filed: 2/25/2008.
Affidavit of Professor David Dranove
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I. Qualifications
I am the Walter McNerney
Distinguished Professor of Health
Industry Management at the Kellogg
School of Management, as well as the
Director of the Center for Health
44 See
remarks of former Federal Trade
Commission Chairman Robert Pitofsky, A Slightly
Different Approach to Antitrust Enforcement before
the Antitrust Section of the American Bar
Association, Chicago Illinois (Aug. 7, 1995).
Available at https://www.ftc.gov/speeches/pitofsky/
pitaba.shtm.
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Industry Market Economics and the
Director of Health at Kellogg. I have
studied health care competition for over
20 years and have published numerous
books and peer reviewed papers on the
topic. My vita is attached.
I have also studied the Nevada health
care market place, paying particular
attention to physician markets in Clark
County. This includes examining
secondary data and supervising a
physician survey. I am submitting this
affidavit because I am concerned about
the potential anticompetitive impact of
the merger of UnitedHealth Group and
Sierra Health Services, particularly the
impact on the market for physician
services.
markets. With regards to the issue of
monopsony in particular, I am
concerned that the DOJ did not apply
the proper economic analysis. I discuss
monopsony in detail in sections III-VI of
this affidavit. Section VII presents a
shorter discussion of other issues. My
main conclusion is that the United/
Sierra merger may pose a substantial
risk of harm in the market for the
purchase of physician services that
would adversely affect both healthcare
providers and consumers, and that this
risk was apparently underestimated by
the DOJ.
II. Background 1
The proposed merger between
UnitedHealth Group and Sierra Health
Services would create the largest private
health insurer in Nevada. The Antitrust
Division of the U.S. Department of
Justice (DOJ) has reviewed this merger
and filed a Complaint, Competitive
Impact Statement, and Proposed
Consent Order that narrowly focus on
conduct and a remedy in the output
market for Medicare Managed Care
insurance. Specifically, UnitedHealth
will be required to divest its Medicare
Managed Care offerings as a condition
for DoJ approval.
I have extensively researched health
care competition, including competition
among insurers. I have also studied the
Nevada healthcare marketplace,
including conducting interviews and a
survey of Nevada physicians that I
describe below. In my opinion, the DoJ
focus on the Medicare Managed Care
market is too narrow. In particular, the
proposed remedy is inadequate because
it fails to address the potential for the
United/Sierra merger to create
monopsony power in the market for the
purchase of physician services.2 It also
does not address the potential for a
dominant insurer to limit competition
by such arrangements such as most
favored nation contracts and bundling
of contracts.
In the remainder of this affidavit, I
explain why I believe the United/Sierra
merger raises concerns about
monopsony power in the market for
purchasing physician services and also
why it poses a substantial threat of
anticompetitive behavior in output
In order to determine whether a
merger poses a risk of the exercise of
market power, or in this case,
monopsony power it is essential to first
define the market in which competition
takes place. Markets are defined in both
product and geographic dimensions.
Competition between United and Sierra
takes place in both input and output
markets; I am focusing on input
markets.
Market definition requires defining
both a product market and geographic
market. I will first consider the product
market. Insurers purchase many inputs,
including physician services. There are
no adequate substitutes for physician
services, due both to training and
licensing laws. Moreover physicians are
confined to supplying services within
their training and licensures and cannot
do something else in response to a
decrease in compensation. Thus, the
purchase of physician services
represents a relevant product market.3
I believe that a relevant geographic
market consists of an area no larger than
the Las Vegas metropolitan area, which
can be approximated by Clark County.
This is a relevant geographic market
from an input market perspective
because physicians have limited
alternatives in responding to a decrease
in compensation. Physicians could not,
for example travel to Los Angeles for
additional business.4 At the same time,
insurers offering provider networks to
Las Vegas area employers and
employees could not expect to do
1 The American Medical Association paid for the
time I spent researching the Nevada market and
preparing this affidavit.
2 Merger analysis focuses on the potential
exercise of market power. ‘‘Monopsony power’’ is
the power to decrease prices paid to producers or
service providers who have little opportunity to sell
other than to the monopsonist.
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III. Theory of Monopsony Power
Market Definition
3 There may well be even smaller markets within
the physician services market, such as markets for
specific specialties.
4 Moreover, from the output market perspective
the market is limited to Clark County. Insurers must
market their provider networks to employers, who
in turn make the network available to their
employees. Most firms draw their workers from
local areas, such as metropolitan areas. For
example, it would be impractical for a Las Vegas
casino to offer its employees a physician network
that relied on physicians outside of Clark County.
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business if their networks excluded
Clark County providers. Thus, I believe
it is indisputable that physician services
in Clark County comprise a relevant
market for antitrust analysis.
It Is Appropriate To Exclude Medicare
and Medicaid
Competitive concerns arise whenever
a firm, through merger, eliminates an
important rival and gains the ability to
influence prices. This is why market
share calculations are so important to
assessing mergers.
A critical issue in determining the
likely effect of a medical insurer merger
on the market for physician services
may be whether to center the analysis
on the commercial market share affected
by the merger and to exclude Medicare
and Medicaid, which are typically two
of the largest purchasers in any medical
market. The DoJ does not discuss
potential monopsony power in the input
market that I have defined, perhaps
because it included Medicare and
Medicaid beneficiaries in its calculation
of buyer side market shares, and as a
result the market shares of United and
Sierra were not large enough to rise to
the level of monopsony. But careful
consideration suggests that the market
for measuring monopsony power does
not include Medicare and Medicaid.
A useful place to start thinking about
this problem is to consider the more
familiar problem of defining output
markets. Suppose there are four firms—
A, B, C, and D—equally dividing an
output market. Suppose that firm A
raises price by, say, $2 per unit. In the
absence of collusive behavior, this effort
is likely to fail, because consumers who
are unhappy about the price increase
will purchase the product from B, C, or
D. This helps explain why antitrust
analysts are rarely concerned about the
potential exploitation of market power
when there are many sellers in a market.
Now consider the same market with
the same four sellers, only this time B,
C, and D are capacity constrained. If A
raises its prices, its consumers would
either accept the increase or do without
the product. They would not be able to
take their business elsewhere. This gives
seller A effective monopoly power over
its customers. Thus, it is the ability of
consumers to redirect their business
away from a high price seller, and not
the number of sellers per se, that limits
a seller’s ability to increase its prices.
The same intuition applies to
monopsony. Suppose there are four
purchasers of an input, again labeled A,
B, C, and D. If purchaser A attempts to
reduce the wage it pays for the input by
$2 per unit, suppliers of the input
would offer their services to purchasers
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B, C, and D. Thus, A’s effort will fail.
But if purchasers B, C, and D are
constrained in the amount of labor
inputs they can use in production, then
sellers will not be able to redirect their
output to these purchasers.5 This gives
purchaser A effective monopsony power
over its suppliers.
With this intuition in hand, consider
the market for physician services.
Physicians who agree to participate in
the network of insurer A accept a
discounted fee from A in exchange for
an expectation of higher volume.
Physicians who do not agree to
participate may still treat insurer A’s
enrollees as ‘‘out of network’’ patients,
often requiring those patients to pay
higher fees.
Suppose A reduces physician fees. As
noted by the DoJ in their complaint
against the merger between United and
PacifiCare,6 the ability of A to sustain
this fee reduction ‘‘depends on the
physician’s ability to terminate (or
credibly threaten to terminate) the
relationship. A physician’s ability to
terminate a relationship with a
commercial health insurer depends on
his or her ability to replace the amount
of business lost from the termination
(emphasis added), and the time it would
take to do so. Failing to replace lost
business expeditiously is costly.’’ 7
In determining the potential exercise
of monopsony power, I assume the DoJ
considered the options available to
physicians. Physicians might refuse to
contract with A. Insurer A’s patients
would then have to go out-of-network or
seek a different insurer who has kept a
broad network. (This is analogous to the
case where the would-be monopsonist
lowers its wages, and suppliers offer
their services elsewhere.) Physicians
might be proactive, joining rival
networks and encouraging patients (and
their employers) to switch plans. As a
result, insurer A might end up with
fewer enrollees. In this way, the
presence of rival purchasers is essential
if physicians are to have a ‘‘credible’’
ability to terminate their relationship
with insurer A.
Physicians cannot increase volume or
revenue by persuading their patients to
sign up for Medicare, however, because
enrollment in these programs is limited
5 Workers might offer their services to B. C, and
D, but if these firms accept, they would have to lay
off other workers, who in turn would face the same
tradeoff as the new hires—work for A or stop
working.
6 United States v. UnitedHealth Group Inc., Case
No. 1:05CV02436 (D.D.C. Dec. 20, 2005), available
at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f213800/
213815.htm.
7 Complaint at Paragraph 36.
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to the elderly and disabled.8 Nor can
physicians collectively treat more
Medicare patients, because there are a
limited number of patients and there is
no means to increase the volume of
patients. Thus, insurer A cannot lose
physician business to Medicare;
Medicare’s business is fixed. Thus, from
the perspective of physicians, the
Medicare population is fixed. An
analogous argument applies to
Medicaid.
Even if physicians could collectively
increase their Medicare and Medicaid
workloads, this would not be an
attractive alternative because Medicare,
and, especially Medicaid, typically pay
significantly lower rates than do private
insurers. Medicaid rates are so much
lower than most private insurer rates
that few physicians would consider
dropping insurer A in favor of Medicaid
business even if insurer A lowered its
rates appreciably.
The above argument demonstrates
that when defining a relevant market for
contracting for physician services, and
computing market shares in that market,
it is appropriate to exclude Medicare
and Medicaid. Medicare and Medicaid
do not represent viable alternatives for
physicians who face lower fees from a
monopsonist insurer. Because Medicare
and Medicaid are large purchasers of
physician services, excluding them from
market share calculations will
profoundly change inferences about
market shares and monopsony power.
IV. Evidence on Monopsony Power
Physician Survey and Interviews
In my investigation I conducted
physician telephone interviews in
which I asked them about the
competitive environment and how they
might respond to the United/Sierra
merger. Based on these interviews, I
developed and oversaw a survey of
physicians in Clark County. We sent
surveys via e-mail, fax, and mail to the
administrators of all 122 medical group
practices identified in Clark County
using the Universe File of the Medical
Group Practice Association and to a
random sample of 333 office-based
physicians in the County, drawn from
the American Medical Association
Masterfile and oversampling primary
care physicians and obstetriciangynecologists. Twenty-four medical
group administrators responded (for a
response rate of 22.9% after adjustment
for invalid and duplicate records).
Seventy-three physicians responded (for
an adjusted response rate of 27.5%).
Additional details of the survey are
8 The exception is Medicare managed care, as
recognized by the DoJ consent order.
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included as an appendix to this
affidavit.9
Survey Findings Pertaining to
Monopsony Power
A purchaser has monopsony power if
it faces ‘‘upward sloping supply.’’ That
is, the firm is able to reduce the price
it pays for inputs without driving all of
its input suppliers to other purchasers.
One way to assess the potential
presence of monopsony power is to
determine whether suppliers have
viable alternatives in the event they
could not sell to the potential
monopsonist. If a purchaser had
monopsony power, then suppliers
would respond in a variety of ways;
some would sell to other purchasers,
some would do nothing different, and
some might even shut down operations.
It is this range of responses—the varying
degrees of leverage that a purchaser
possesses over its suppliers—that
characterizes upward sloping supply.
During my telephone interviews, I
asked physicians how they would
respond to the Sierra/United merger and
a potential reduction in payments.
Physicians offered a range of responses
including closing their practice to doing
nothing. To assess this issue more
systematically, the survey included the
following question: ‘‘What, if anything,
would your practice do if United and
Sierra merged and you did not continue
to have a contract with the merged
health plan?’’
Here are excerpts from a sampling of
responses:
I’ll go to California
Close practice
Leave town
I would consider relocating to another state
or join the VA
This would hurt the practice tremendously.
Actually I don’t know what I’ll do.
Nothing at present
Get on other contracts that will pay higher
rates
Continue to service other health plans
Make do with remaining plans
We would be out-of-network provider and try
to increase the other plans available
’Discourage patients from getting United/
Sierra health insurance
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The range of responses confirms what
my telephone interviews had suggested,
namely that some physicians have a
viable alternative to United/Sierra but
that many others would be harmed by
9 The survey had several limitations. Due to the
desire to maximize responses, the survey was kept
deliberately short. This limited our ability to tailor
survey questions to address specific economic
issues. Despite the brevity of the survey, the
response rate was too low to reach definitive
conclusions. Even so, the findings were sufficiently
suggestive that, in my opinion, the DoJ. should have
investigated these issues more thoroughly.
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losing the United/Sierra contract. This
suggests that United/Sierra would have
varying degrees of leverage over
physicians, which is consistent with the
ability to exercise monopsony power.
These data suggest that the United/
Sierra merger may be creating
substantial monopsony power within
Clark County. It was incumbent upon
the DoJ to explore this issue more
thoroughly. Their complaint and the
proposed order suggest that they failed
to do so.
Market Concentration
In determining the competitive effects
of any acquisition, it is often important
to measure the level of concentration in
the market. Unfortunately there is no
significant public information available
to compute market shares in the market
for the purchase of physician services
by commercial health insurers. One
useful proxy would be the output shares
of commercial health insurers. While
the Bureau of Health Planning and
Statistics of the Nevada State Health
Division Department of Health and
Human Services (henceforth, the
‘‘Bureau’’) collects data on HMO
enrollments by plan and county, its data
on PPO enrollments is incomplete.
The consulting firm Interstudy offers
an alternative source of information
about HMO and PPO market shares
through their Managed Market MSA
Surveyor and Managed Market State
Surveyor databases. The American
Medical Association has used these data
to produce a report entitled
‘‘Competition in Health Insurance: A
Comprehensive Study of U.S. Markets.’’
Based on the 2007 update of this report,
I determined that the market shares for
Sierra and United in the Las Vegas
metropolitan area (which closely
approximates Clark County) were 38%
and 18% respectively. The combined
market share is 56%. This combined
share, as well as the increase in share,
raise substantial concerns about
monopsony power that the DoJ does not
appear to have addressed.
V. Monopsony Power Can Harm
Healthcare Consumers
Monopsony power can harm
healthcare consumers in several ways.
Part and parcel with a reduction in the
compensation of physicians will be a
reduction in the number of physicians
who participate in the monopsonist’s
network. (This is the natural
consequence of a monopsonist moving
down its upward sloping supply
curve.) 10 The patients who previously
10 When supply is upward sloping, a seller with
monopsony power profits by reducing the wages it
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utilized the services of physicians who
are no longer in the network must now
either (a) select another, less preferred
physician within the network, or (b) see
their prior physician out-of-network and
consequently pay higher out-of-network
fees. Either way, these patients are
worse off than before the exercise of
monopsony power.
Even the patients of physicians who
remain in the United/Sierra network
may be worse off, because the reduction
in the fees paid to these physicians may
cause them to reduce the quantity and/
or quality of services they provide.
Physicians who receive lower fees will
be forced to do more with less. This may
result in longer waiting times as
physicians are forced to reduce staffing.
Economics teaches that physicians are
to be expected to reduce their output;
again, this is a standard prediction
associated with upward sloping supply.
Another standard result from economic
theory is that sellers who experience
lower price-cost margins will have less
incentive to maintain quality.11 There is
substantial evidence that this occurs in
medicine.12
Responses to the aforementioned
survey question ‘‘What, if anything,
would your practice do if United and
Sierra merged and you did not continue
to have a contract with the merged
health plan?’’ confirm these concerns
about patient welfare. As mentioned
previously, some physicians might close
their practices. Here are some additional
responses:
Downsize practice
See a lot less patients
All patients would have to be self-pay under
merged health plan
Lay off staff and reduce number of physicians
on staff
I would consider having a cash only office
Several telephone interviews offered
similar responses. All of these responses
would have harmful repercussions for
patients.
VI. Why Competition in the Output
Market Would Not Discipline United/
Sierra
A firm might not exercise its
monopsony power if doing so harms its
consumers who, as a result, turn to
pays, relative to the competitive wage. By doing so,
fewer suppliers offer their goods and services, so
that the monopsonist ends up reducing the quantity
of output it produces.
11 See Spence, M. ‘‘Monopoly, Quality, and
Regulation’’ Bell Journal of Economics 6(2), 1975
and Dranove, D. and M. Satterthwaite,
‘‘Monopolistic Competition When Price and Quality
Are Imperfectly Observable’’ RAND Journal of
Economics, 23(4), 1992.’
12 Dranove, D. The Economic Evolution of
American Healthcare Princeton University Press,
2000, reviews this evidence.
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alternatives in the output market. In
other words, output market competition
might discipline the would-be
monopsonist. The nature of the
provision of medical services works
against such market discipline. Suppose
that physicians in the United/Sierra
network are forced to cut back services
in response to fee cutbacks. One might
think that this would devalue the
United/Sierra products, leaving it at a
disadvantage relative to the
competition. In other words, if
physician services are ‘‘public goods,’’
whose quality applies to all of their
patients, then the harmful effects of
reduced monopsonist fees are felt by all
patients and the monopsonist suffers no
competitive harm.
There is a public good element in
many physician decisions. If physicians
reduce their office hours, this is likely
to affect access for all of their patients.
(Physicians who contract with a
monopsonist could not normally limit
their availability to the monopsonist’s
patients only.) Similarly, if a physician
cuts back on staff and/or equipment, or
invests less in continuing education, all
patients would suffer. Of course, if the
physician exits the market altogether, all
patients suffer. If quality is a public
good, as I conjecture, then the
monopsonist can internalize all the
benefits of fee reductions while the
harm is felt by patients enrolled by all
insurers. Thus, market forces do not
necessarily discipline the monopsonist
whose aggressive pricing causes quality
to suffer.
rwilkins on PROD1PC63 with NOTICES2
Concluding Comments About Quality
Unfortunately, the DoJ complaint and
consent order are silent on the issue of
quality. In both the qualitative
interviews and the survey conducted
under my supervision, I learned about
some of the ways that fee cutbacks
could harm quality. Some of the
alternatives physicians mentioned
included exiting the market, curtailing
their hours, spending less time with
patients, and cutting back on staffing. In
light of these responses, there should
have been greater analysis of the
potential impact of the United/Sierra
merger on the quality of physician.
VII. Contractual Provisions That Raise
Competitive Concerns
The purpose of merger enforcement is
to prevent the creation of market power
or its exercise. In some cases, in order
to prevent competitive harm from a
proposed merger the antitrust agencies
and the courts may impose some type of
injunctive relief. In this case, I believe
the DoJ should have sought to prohibit
two types of arrangements: most favored
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nation provisions and all products
clauses.
Most Favored Nation Provisions
In my experience, many large insurers
exploit their size by demanding and
receiving most favored nation status
from providers. A most favored nation
provision requires the provider to offer
the dominant insurer the most favorable
rate it offers to any other insurer. Both
theory and empirical evidence suggest
that most favored nation status harms
consumers by discouraging providers
from aggressively discounting to other
insurers.13 Most favored nation
provisions may prevent other insurers
from entering or expanding in the
market through these favorable
discounting arrangements. The DoJ
complaint and the proposed consent
order are silent on this issue. The DoJ
should have required the combined
United/Sierra to foreswear MFN as a
condition for approving the deal.
Bundling and All Products Clauses
It is also my experience that large
insurers often require providers to abide
by ‘‘all products clauses’’ whereby a
provider who wishes to be a preferred
provider for one of the insurer’s
products must agree to contract for all
of that insurer’s products. I am
particularly concerned about the ability
of a large insurer to bundle products in
different markets. In particular, I believe
that the combined United/Sierra will
have monopsony power in the market
for securing physician services for
privately insured patients. It may now
use that market power to bundle
together contracting in the Medicare
Advantage and private insurance
markets. Such bundling would not offer
any obvious promise of efficiencies and
should be viewed with skepticism by
anyone promoting market efficiency.
It is not obvious from the DoJ
complaint and consent order whether
these issues were investigated or how
they were resolved. The DoJ should
have explored these issues and if they
believed there was potential for such
bundling, the combined United/Sierra
should have been required to allow
physicians to contract separately for
private insurance and the Medicare
Advantage program.
May 13, 2008.
David Dranove,
13 For example, see Scott Morton, F. ‘‘The
Strategic Response by Pharmaceutical Firms to the
Medicaid Most-Favored-Customer Rules’’ RAND
Journal of Economics, 28(2), 1997 for an exposition
of the theory and evidence from pharmaceutical
pricing. The theory is broadly applicable to other
markets including physician services.
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Walter McNerney Distinguished Professor of
Health Industry Management,
Northwest University.
Appendix: Survey Methods
Setup Procedures
All documents were verified by
project client. Documents included the
cover letter and survey instrument with
a version each for the medical group
sample and one for the physician
practice sample.
All materials included the logos and
respective signatures from: AMA, the
county medical society, and the state
medical society of Nevada.
The project client provided the
sample database of medical groups and
physician practices, including the name
and phone number of a contact.
PRS provide the fax number and
address for mailings in the phone calls,
as appropriate.
Mailing Procedures Medical Group
Sample
On February 12, 2008 Population
Research Systems (PRS) mailed the
survey to the medical groups, with a
cover letter and business-reply
envelope, to the 122 medical group
administrators in the Clark County, NV
medical group file. The outgoing
envelope was addressed to the name of
the person or the administrator, when
available, otherwise the term ‘‘Practice
Administrator’’ was included, for
example: Ms. Jean Smith or Practice
Administrator, Desert Medical Group,
1234 Pine Hill Drive, Las Vegas, 11111.
About 9–10 days after the initial
mailing, PRS faxed another survey and
cover letter, to all non-respondents from
among the 122 group administrators.
Another 5 days later, the sample with
non-responders, invalid or missing fax
numbers was returned to the project
client, who conducted a round of
reminder phone calls and updated all
invalid fax numbers. Contacted medical
groups who requested another fax
received one from PRS within 24 hours
of that information being provided by
the project client. PRS also sent another
fax to all invalid and missing fax
numbers.
About 6 days after the reminder call,
PRS sent another round of faxes to all
non-responders.
Another 10 days later, PRS initiated
another round of faxes to all nonresponders, followed immediately by a
second round of reminder calls
conducted by the telephone staff of PRS.
PRS attempted every record until a
respondent or answering machine was
reached, and PRS telephone
interviewers left scripted messages on
answering machines (see below).
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Response Rate
This effort resulted in a total of 24
completed surveys, out of a sample of
102 records. Of those 102 records, 7
records were invalid (group did not
exist, was closed, wrong address/name)
and 101 records were duplicates within
the sample, resulting in 86 valid
records. Out of those 86 valid records,
24 completes constitute a corrected
response rate of 28.2%.
Mailing Procedures Individual
Physician Sample
On February 12, 2008 PRS e-mailed
the cover letter and survey embedded in
the body of the e-mail message to 353
physicians identified by the project
client. PRS inserted the medical society
logos into the email itself, as well as the
signatures, similar to the Medical Group
survey.
About 3 days after the initial e-mail,
PRS faxed a reminder survey to all
physicians who had not responded at
that point. The cover letter for the fax
was slightly different from the e-mail
cover letter to reflect the change of
modus.
Approximately 8 days later, the
sample with non-responders, invalid or
missing fax numbers was returned to the
project client, who conducted a round
of reminder phone calls and updated all
invalid fax numbers. Contacted medical
groups who requested another fax
received one from PRS within 24 hours
of that information being provided by
the project client. PRS also sent another
fax to all invalid and missing fax
numbers.
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About 7 days after the reminder call,
PRS sent another round of faxes to all
non-responders.
Another 6 days later, PRS initiated
another round of faxes to all nonresponders, followed immediately by a
second round of reminder calls
conducted by the telephone staff of PRS.
PRS attempted every record until a
respondent or answering machine was
reached, and PRS telephone
interviewers left scripted messages on
answering machines (see script above).
During this process, PRS noted that 13
records of the original sample were
duplicates (duplicate e-mail, address
and fax number, and those records were
replaced with another 13 records,
resulting in a final total of 353 records.
Response Rate
This effort resulted in a total of 73
completed surveys, out of a sample of
353 records. Of those 353 records, 55
records were invalid (group did not
exist, was closed, wrong address/name)
and 13 records were duplicates within
the sample, resulting in 285 valid
records. Out of those 285 valid records,
73 completes constitute a corrected
response rate of 25.6%.
Attachment B
June 5, 2007.
Honorable Alice A. Molasky-Arman
Nevada Commissioner of Insurance
Division of Insurance-Legal Section
788 Fairview Drive, Suite 300
Carson City, NV 89701–5491
Re: UnitedHealth Group Acquisition of
Sierra Health Systems
Dear Commissioner Molasky-Arman:
The AMA is writing to express its
strong opposition to the proposed
acquisition of Sierra Health Systems
(Sierra) by UnitedHealth Group
(United). The AMA has urged the
United States Department of Justice to
block the merger because of the impact
in Nevada. The impact in the state of
Nevada is unlike the impact in any
market of any previous health insurer
merger. Our testimony will focus on the
anti-competitive effect this merger will
have on Nevada insurance markets, a
negative effect that will be compounded
by questionable business practices
engaged in by United in other markets.
We also strongly support the position of
the Nevada State Medical Association.
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It is clear that United’s goal in
pursuing this merger is to dominate the
Nevada insurance market, in particular
Las Vegas. The numbers are truly
staggering, as shown in the attached
chart. For the past five years, the AMA
has conducted the most in-depth study
of commercial health insurance markets
(by actual reported enrollment) in the
country. This study, Competition in
Health Insurance: A Comprehensive
Study of U.S. Markets, is based on the
most current and credible data available
and includes both HMO and PPO
products. The AMA is in the process of
finalizing our most recent edition, based
on 2004 data. The findings for Nevada
strongly suggest that this merger
undermines competition in Nevada and
in Las Vegas especially.
The AMA analysis of InterStudy and
HealthLeaders data shows the following:
• At the state level, in the combined
HMO/PPO market, United would have a
market share of 43% after the merger,
compared to its current market share of
14%. In the HMO market, United would
have a 78% market share after the
merger, compared to its current 11 %
market share.
In the Las Vegas-Paradise
metropolitan statistical area (MSA), in
the combined HMO/PPO market, United
would have a market share of 56% after
the merger, compared to its current
market share of 18%. United would
have a market share of 95% after the
merger, compared to its current market
share of 13% in the HMO market.
These market shares should be
considered in the context of the
financial aspects of United’s operations.
At a time when premiums continue to
escalate, United is posting high profit
margins. Since 2002, United has posted
year-end earning increases of between
27% and 53%. For 2006 its net earnings
increased 27%. United has also awarded
its senior executives mind-boggling
compensation packages over this same
time period. United is currently in the
midst of several ongoing investigations
and shareholder lawsuits over illegally
backdating senior executives’ stock
options to increase their already
extravagant compensation.
The Threat of Market Dominance
The AMA has long been concerned
that ongoing consolidation of health
insurance markets will ultimately lead
to a market dominated by one or two
health insurers that places profits over
patients. The ascendancy of a dominant
health insurer jeopardizes patient care
in two important ways. First, without
competition to help ensure that patient
and employer choice counterbalance
profit motives, the for-profit health
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EN22AU08.003
Telephone Reminder Script
Hi, my name is ___, and I am calling
on behalf of the AMA. Yesterday, we
sent you a fax with a very brief survey
about the United/Sierra merger in Clark
County, and we are very interested in
your opinion. Please take a few minutes
to complete the survey and fax it back
to the number shown on the cover letter.
We will keep your responses
confidential.
If Not Received Fax:
Can you confirm your fax number for
me so we can send you another fax?
lllll
We appreciate your participation.
Thank you.
EN22AU08.002
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Federal Register / Vol. 73, No. 164 / Friday, August 22, 2008 / Notices
insurer’s drive to maximize profits will
inevitably compel it to place profits over
patients.
Second, physicians have a
professional, legal, and ethical
responsibility to advocate on their
patient’s behalf. In the presence of
health plan dominance the physician’s
role as patient advocate becomes even
more critical. However, that role is
being systematically undermined as
dominate insurers are able to impose
take-it or leave-it contracts that include
provision that directly impact patient
care, such the determination of what is
‘‘medically necessary care.’’ A physician
who engages in aggressive patient
advocacy risks exclusion from the
dominant health plan’s network and
faces the realistic possibility that his/her
practice will no longer be financially
viable. In the presence of these
dynamics, only state oversight and
intervention can prevent deterioration
of the patient-physician relationship,
foster physician advocacy, and make
patient choice a reality.
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United’s Failure to Comply With State
Regulations
United’s conduct shows a dismissive
attitude towards its state regulatory
obligations. It has been fined by a
number of states for failing to comply
with state law since 2001. Moreover, in
some of those states, United has been
fined more than once for the same
conduct. United has the unenviable
position of having had the largest fines
ever levied against a health insurer in
several states.
Specific examples include:
Arizona: In March 2006, the Arizona
DOI fined United for the second time for
violations of a number of state laws.
These include state prompt payment
laws, and state laws on member’s rights
to appeal denials of care. United was
fined $364,750, the largest fine in
Arizona’s history. This was the second
fine levied against United for similar
violations. The first was in 2003. In the
2006 case, the director of the Arizona
DOI stated that, ‘‘I will not tolerate
knowing violations of consent orders.’’
• Nebraska: In December 2006, the
Nebraska DOI filed a complaint which
stated that United violated 18 state laws
over 800 times. United delayed
decisions, made incorrect decisions
about coverage, and had an inadequate
network of emergency services in rural
areas. A settlement was reached in May
2007. It includes a $650,000 fine, the
largest ever levied by the Nebraska DOI.
The settlement also requires United to
meet customer service standards and to
give United’s Nebraska staff the final
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decision on claims and grievances. This
was the second time United has been
fined for similar state law violations.
The 2005 investigation resulted in
United paying a $72,500 fine.
• New York: In 2006, the New York
State Health Department took the
unusual step of banning United from
enrolling any new customers in its HMO
plan because United continued to
repeatedly defy state regulations. These
include wrongly denying payment to
providers and filing incomplete and
inaccurate reports with the state. A state
official noted that, ‘‘we’ve had several
years of findings, United doing
corrective action plans, but then we go
out again, and we have the same
findings.’’
• Rhode Island: In April 2007,
UnitedHealthcare of New England was
fined $67,500 for violating a state law
intended to protect health-insurance
coverage for small-business employees.
United failed to provide documentation
showing that it had complied with the
law. In addition, according to
documents released by the Health
Insurance Commissioner’s office, United
overcharged members who were in poor
health.
• Texas: Between 2001 and 2005, the
Texas Department of insurance (TDI)
has fined United three times for
violating Texas prompt pay laws. The
most recent fine, issued in December
2005, included a finding that United
failed to report accurate and complete
provider claims data for over 2 years.
The 2005 fine totaled $4 million and
United also agreed to pay restitution to
physicians.
• Missouri: In Schoedingerg vs.
United, a Missouri physician sued
United for failing to comply with the
state prompt payment law. In its finding
of facts, the court found that the
plaintiff had proven that United did not
pay his claims within the time period
set by Missouri law. Specifically, the
2006 opinion found that ‘‘United’s
claims processing system was flawed in
many ways, including denying,
reducing and improperly processing
claims on a regular basis. And despite
innumerable requests, United was
unwilling to remedy the underlying
errors in its systems. United was
consistently delinquent in paying
claims.’’
Ongoing State Investigations of United’s
Business Conduct
In the past several months, two states
have announced investigations into
United’s business practices and whether
they comply with state law. These
investigations are specified below.
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49883
• California: The California
Department of Insurance and the
California Department of Managed
Health Care (CDMHC) have announced
an investigation into a range of United
business practices. According to the
California Medical Association (CMA),
there is a liaison process between CMA
and United. While United is generally
responsive to the individual physician
complaints, it is not responsive to fixing
the underlying issues. This causes the
objectionable practices to continue
which must be battled one physician
and one claim at a time. The regulators
indicated that their objective is to bring
United into compliance with state laws
for the benefit of California patients.
Æ Note: in May 2007, the CDMIIC
found that United subsidiary PacifiCare
engaged in ‘‘dishonest and unfair’’
conduct when it failed to disclose its
planned termination of a provider
network during open enrollment. The
CDMHC ordered PacifiCare to continue
to authorize and allow access to the
network through November 2007.
• New Jersey: In April 2007, the New
Jersey Department of Banking and
Insurance ordered United to justify a lab
referral protocol that has outraged
physicians across the country. This
policy, which was the outgrowth of a
10-year exclusive contract with Lab
Corp, provides that if physicians refer to
an out-of-network lab, they can be fined
or dropped from the network. This is
the first instance of a health plan
threatening financial penalties for outof-network referrals. The DOBI ordered
United to ‘‘appear and show cause why
it should not be required to pay
restitution or take other remedial
measures.’’ This is in regards to the
effects of its proposed sanctions on
physicians.
The AMA believes that United’s
conduct reflects a philosophy that it is
more cost-effective to violate state law
and possibly pay a fine than to assure
compliance with laws designed to
protect both patients and physicians.
The AMA’s first concern is that this
unprecedented merger will create
monopoly conditions in Nevada to the
detriment of Nevada citizens. That being
said, given the magnitude of this merger
in Nevada and United’s track record in
other states, if this merger is allowed to
go forward, it is incumbent on the
Nevada Department of insurance to
assure that United is held accountable
for compliance with state laws.
If the AMA can be of further
assistance, please do not hesitate to
contact me. The AMA appreciates the
opportunity to comment on this matter.
Sincerely,
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Michael D. Maves, MD, MBA.
Attachment
cc: Larry Matheis, Executive Director,
Nevada State Medical Association.
Attachment C
Testimony of David Balto On Behalf of
the American Antitrust Institute and
Consumer Federation of America
Before the Nevada Commissioner of
Insurance on the United Health Group
Proposed Acquisition of Sierra Health
Services 1 (July 27, 2007)
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I. Introduction
The American Antitrust Institute
(‘‘AAI’’) and Consumer Federation of
America, (‘‘consumer groups’’)
appreciate this opportunity to testify
before the Commissioner of Insurance
on United Health Group’s (‘‘United’’)
proposed acquisition of Sierra
HealthServices, Inc. (‘‘Sierra’’).2 As
detailed in our testimony based on our
preliminary review, we strongly believe
that this acquisition will harm all
Nevada health insurance consumers,
particularly those in Clark County,
through higher prices, less service, and
lower quality. The level of
concentration posed by this merger is
simply unprecedented: it is greater than
in any merger approved by the Antitrust
Division of the U.S. Department of
Justice (‘‘DOJ’’) and would give United
clear monopoly power in Clark County.
In evaluating this merger under NRS
692C.210(1) the Commissioner of
Insurance must consider several factors
including: (1) whether ‘‘the effect of the
acquisition would be substantially to
lessen competition in insurance in
1 I have practiced antitrust law for over 20 years,
primarily in the federal antitrust enforcement
agencies: the Antitrust Division of the Department
of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission. At the
FTC, I was attorney advisor to Chairman Robert
Pitofsky and directed the Policy shop of the Bureau
of Competition. Maria Patente, Washington College
of Law (Class of 2008), provided extensive
assistance in the preparation and research of the
testimony.
2 The American Antitrust Institute is an
independent Washington-based non-profit
education, research, and advocacy organization. Its
mission is to increase the role of competition,
assure that competition works in the interests of
consumers, and challenge abuses of concentrated
economic power in the American and world
economy. For more information, please see
www.antitrustinstitute.org. This working paper has
been approved by the AAI Board of Directors. A list
of contributors of $1,000 or more is available on
request. The Consumer Federation of America
(‘‘CFA’’) is the nation’s largest consumer-advocacy
group, composed of over 280 state and local
affiliates representing consumer, senior citizen, low
income, labor, farm, public power and cooperative
organizations, with more than 50 million individual
members. CFA represents consumer interests before
federal and state regulatory and legislative agencies
and participates in court proceedings. CFA has been
particularly active on antitrust issues affecting
health care.
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Nevada or tend to create a monopoly’’
and (2) whether if approved the
‘‘[a]cquisition would likely be harmful
or prejudicial to the members of the
public who purchase insurance.’’ As we
explain below, both of these factors
counsel for denial of the application
because the merger creates a dominant
insurer, particularly in Clark County,
with the ability to raise premiums,
reduce service and quality and reduce
compensation to providers. It will
clearly harm purchasers of insurance
who will pay more for service that
provides lower quality care.
This unprecedented level of
concentration raises important policy
and health care concerns relevant to the
factors evaluated in these Hearings. As
Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy
observed in Hearings before the Senate
Judiciary Committee last year on health
insurance consolidation:
a concentrated market does reduce
competition and puts control in the
hands of only a few powerful players.
Consumers—in this case patients—are
ultimately the ones who suffer from this
concentration. As consumers of health
care services, we suffer in the form of
higher prices and fewer choices.3
Creating a dominant insurance
provider should be a profound concern
in Nevada, a state plagued with
shortages of nurses, doctors and other
health care professionals.
This testimony, which is based solely
on public information, provides our
preliminary views that this merger
would ‘‘substantially to lessen
competition in insurance in Nevada or
tend to create and monopoly’’ and
‘‘would likely be harmful or prejudicial
to the members of the public who
purchase insurance.’’ This paper also
addresses the United-Sierra merger in
the context of the numerous competitive
imperfections and market failures
unique to the HMO and health
insurance industry and with respect to
the specific challenges facing Nevada’s
health care due to a serious shortage of
doctors and nurses.
II. Summary
The consumer groups urge the
Commissioner to focus on the following
issues:
• Will the United-Sierra merger
reduce competition for the provision of
health insurance to employers and
individuals seeking health coverage in
Nevada? Yes, Sierra is the largest HMO
provider in Nevada and United is the
3 Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy, Hearing on
‘‘Examining Competition in Group Health Care’’
U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary (Sept. 6,
2006).
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only significant rival. The United-Sierra
merger in Nevada would give United a
80% market share of all HMOs in
Nevada and a 94% market share of the
HMO market in Clark County. Although
its market share is smaller than Sierra’s,
United has the potential for significant
growth in Nevada since its acquisition
of PacifiCare in 2005. Moreover, the
next largest HMO rival in Clark County
has only a 2% market share. The merger
would adversely affect a wide range of
buyers including small employers,
governmental and union purchasers.
• Will the United-Sierra merger
reduce competition for the provision of
services in the Medicare Advantage
program? Yes. Medicare is increasingly
turning to a managed care model.
Increasingly Medicare beneficiaries are
signing up for the Medicare Advantage
program which provides health care
services to beneficiaries in a managed
care model. The only current bidders for
Medicare advantage in Nevada are
United and Sierra. United is the largest
Medicare Advantage program in the
U.S. The merger would create a
monopoly in the provision of services
for Medicare Advantage program
resulting in a lower level of care and
prices.4
• Could the United-Sierra merger
increase the threat of monopsony power
and reduce access to medical care and
the quality of medical care in Nevada?
Yes, there is currently a significant and
chronic shortage of health care
providers including physicians and
nurses in Nevada, an understaffed
region where health professionals are
forced to work overtime, double-shifts,
weekends, and holidays. This merger
will exacerbate those problems for
health care providers dependent upon
the merged firm. A combined UnitedSierra can reduce compensation
resulting in a diminution of service and
quality of care. In the past the DOJ has
brought enforcement actions because of
concerns over monopsony power where
the market share exceeded 30%, a level
clearly exceeded by this acquisition.
This merger may lead to a significant
reduction in reimbursement for health
care providers, leaning to lower service
and quality of care.
• Will other insurance companies
readily enter the market (or expand)
and fully restore the competition lost
4 A large number of the consumer complaints
filed with the Commissioner about this merger raise
concerns over the loss of competition in the
Medicare Advantage market. Many of these
complaints are from elderly beneficiaries who are
particularly vulnerable to anticompetitive conduct.
Over 30% of Nevada Medicare beneficiaries
subscribe to Medicare Advantage, one of the highest
enrollments of any state.
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Federal Register / Vol. 73, No. 164 / Friday, August 22, 2008 / Notices
from the merger? No. In some cases it
may be unnecessary to challenge a
merger if other firms can readily enter
a market to a sufficient degree to avert
the anticompetitive effects of the
merger. That is clearly not the case for
this market. As the DOJ has recognized
in other cases, barriers to entry in the
HMO market are extremely high due to
the extensive physician networks,
technology networks, and specialized
medical infrastructure that are essential
to the industry. Moreover, Nevada
already faces a serious shortage of both
doctors and nurses, and attracting a
sufficient number of personnel would
pose a high barrier for a new entity
interested in providing HMO plans in
Nevada. There has been little historical
entry into the Nevada HMO market, in
spite of the growth of population.
Moreover, with a dominant UnitedSierra, it is highly unlikely a new
entrant would undertake the risk of new
entry.
• Do the efficiencies from the UnitedSierra outweigh the anticompetitive
harms? No. The parties have not
proposed significant efficiencies from
this consolidation. If there were any
efficiencies they probably could be
achieved through internal growth,
considering the rapid population growth
in Nevada. Moreover, efficiencies
should only be included in the
competition calculus if they will result
in lower prices or better service to
consumers. As a general matter,
efficiencies from health coverage
mergers have not been passed on to
consumers. Health insurance mergers
have generally led to increased
subscriber premiums without expansion
of medical benefits. There is little
evidence if any that any efficiencies
achieved in the United-PacifiCare
merger have resulted in lower premiums
or better service for United or former
PacifiCare subscribers. Since the
combined United-Sierra would have a
dominant market share post-merger it is
highly unlikely any savings would be
passed on to consumers.
• Would a divestiture or other
structural relief be sufficient to alleviate
the competitive problems raised by the
merger? No. The parties have not
suggested that they would be willing to
divest assets to solve the competitive
concerns raised by the merger. Even if
they did the Commissioner should be
extremely skeptical of any proposed
relief. In the past the DOJ has attempted
to resolve competitive concerns over
some mergers by requiring the
divestiture of a certain number of
contractual arrangements in order to
spur new entry. These divestitures have
been insufficient to cure the competitive
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problems posed by those mergers. A
divestiture is even less likely to resolve
the competitive concerns in this merger
where the merged firm will clearly be
the dominant insurer in the market.
• Would consumers be better off if the
Commissioner rejected the merger? Yes.
The antitrust question in evaluating any
merger is what would happen ‘‘but for’’
this merger? What would happen to the
merging parties, consumers, and
providers? The answer in this case
seems rather transparent. United and
Sierra are both successful, financially
sound, capable companies that would
continue to grow and thrive. Through its
acquisition of PacifiCare, United
established an important beachhead in
Nevada. But for this merger, United
would continue to expand in Nevada
and challenge Sierra’s strong position in
the market. That competition between
United and Sierra would lead to lower
premiums, greater innovation and better
service. There is simply no reason why
United can not achieve most of the
benefits of this acquisition through
internal growth.
The remainder of the testimony is set
forward as follows. First, we make some
observations about special
considerations for health insurer
mergers and suggest why regulators and
enforcers can not rely on the theoretical
assumptions of a competitive market.
Then we focus on past enforcement
actions and the principles of antitrust
enforcement. We then explain how the
merger will reduce competition in both
the provision of certain health insurance
products (impact on buyers) and health
care providers (impact on sellers).
Finally, we explain why other factors
such as ease of entry or efficiencies will
not prevent the anticompetitive effects
of the merger.
III. Antitrust Merger Standards and
Past Antitrust Enforcement Actions
The U.S. antitrust laws, like the
Nevada insurance statute, provide that a
merger may be illegal if it may ‘‘tend
substantially to lessen competition or to
tend to create a monopoly.’’ 5 The
concern under the merger laws is that a
merger may tend to reduce competition
and lead to higher prices, lower service,
less quality, or less innovation.
5 Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C. § 18. There is no case law
evaluating the competitive legality of mergers under
NRS 692C.210(1), however the language of the
statute is identical to the Clayton Act. Thus, it is
appropriate to apply the standards of federal
antitrust law. The Nevada antitrust statute is similar
to the Clayton Act. It prohibits mergers that will
‘‘result in the monopolization of trade or commerce
* * * or would further any attempt to monopolize
trade or commerce’’ or ‘‘substantially lessen
competition or be in restraint of trade.’’ NRS
598A.060(1)(f).
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49885
Concerns over a reduction in quality,
central to the delivery of health care
services, is an important element of
competition.6 As the Supreme Court has
observed, competition protects ‘‘all
elements of a bargain—quality, service,
safety, and durability—and not just the
immediate cost.’’ 7
In order to determine the likely
competitive effects of a merger the case
law and the Merger Guidelines
established by the Department of Justice
and the Federal Trade Commission set
forth a multi-step process.8 The process
begins by defining the ‘‘line of
commerce’’ or relevant product market
and the ‘‘section of the country’’ or
relevant geographic market. A relevant
market can include any group of
products or services. Once a relevant
market is defined, the level of
concentration and market share is
calculated to determine the likely
competitive effects of the merger. In
cases where there is an undue level of
concentration in the relevant market
(generally a market share over 30%)
there is a prima facie case of illegality
and a presumption of unlawfulness.9 If
there is a presumption of unlawfulness
then the burden shifts to the defendants
to rebut the prima facie case and
6 Section 7 prohibits anticompetitive reductions
in quality because it is equivalent to an increase in
price—consumers pay the same (or greater) price for
less. Community Publishers, Inc. v. Donrey Corp.,
892 F. Supp. 1146, 1153 n.8 (W.D. Ark. 1995), aff’d
sub nom. Community Publishers, Inc. v. DR
Partners, 139 F.3d 1180 (8th Cir. 1998); Merger
Guidelines, § 0.1 (‘‘Sellers with market power also
may lessen competition on dimensions other than
price, such as product quality, service, or
innovation.’’); id. § 1.11.
7 Nat’l Soc’y of Prof. Eng’rs v. United States, 435
U.S. 679, 695 (1978).
8 U.S. Dep’t of Justice and Federal Trade Comm’n,
Horizontal Merger Guidelines (1997) (hereinafter
‘‘Merger Guidelines’’). The Nevada statute provides
that in determining whether to approve a merger
the Commissioner of Insurance ‘‘shall consider the
standards set forth in the Horizontal Merger
Guidelines * * *’’ NRS 692C.256(2).
9 Concentration in merger cases is expressed in
terms of market shares and a measure known as the
Herfindahl Hirschman Index (‘‘HHI’’). The HHI is
calculated by adding together the squares of the
market share of individual competitors in the
market. In a market with a single seller, the HHI is
10,000. The FTC/DOJ Merger Guidelines provide
that an HHI below 1000 corresponds to an
‘‘unconcentrated’’ market; an HHI between 1000
and 1800 corresponds to a ‘‘moderately
concentrated’’ market, and an HHI above 1800
corresponds to a ‘‘highly concentrated’’ market. The
HHI is a screening tool used to assess whether a
proposed merger will lead to anticompetitive
consequences. Under the Guidelines different
presumptions apply, depending on the extent of
post-merger market concentration and the increase
in HHI that will result from the merger. The greatest
competitive concerns are raised where the postmerger HHI exceeds 1800. In such cases, it is
‘‘presumed that mergers producing an increase in
the HHI of more than 100 points are likely to create
or enhance market power or facilitate its exercise.’’
Merger Guidelines, § 1.51.
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demonstrate that other market
characteristics make the presumption of
anticompetitive effects implausible.
Two types of evidence are prominent in
merger cases—if the defendants can
offer evidence that entry is relatively
easy, that may dispel the notion that the
merger will lead to significant
anticompetitive effects. Finally, if a
merger will lead to substantial
efficiencies, these may counteract those
anticompetitive effects.
The two most instructive antitrust
cases involving health insurance
mergers are the DOJ’s challenges to
Aetna’s 1999 acquisition of Prudential
and United’s 2006 acquisition of
PacifiCare. Both of these mergers were
resolved with divestitures to facilitate
the entry of a new competitor to remedy
the competitive concerns. Each case
focused both on the harm to purchasers
of HMO and other insurance services
from the exercise of monopoly power
and the harm to healthcare providers
from the exercise of monopsony
power.10 In both the United-PacifiCare
and the Aetna-Prudential mergers, the
DOJ identified highly concentrated
markets that were substantially likely to
suffer harm to competition as a result of
these mergers.
In 1999, the DOJ and the State of
Texas settled charges that the merger
between Aetna and Prudential in the
State of Texas would harm competition.
The DOJ focused on relevant markets of
HMO products and physician services.
Aetna and Prudential were head to head
competitors in the HMO markets in
Houston and Dallas. The proposed
merger would have increased Aetna’s
market share from 44% to 63% in
Houston and 26% to 42% in Dallas.11
Moreover, the merger raised
monopsony concerns by giving the
merged firm the potential to unduly
10 Health insurers play dual roles as sellers of
insurance services and buyers of health care
services. In its first role, the health insurer’s
‘‘output’’ consists of health benefit packages, and
the output prices are paid for by customers in the
form of subscriber premiums. In the role as the
seller of health benefits, a dominant health insurer
in a concentrated market could potentially act as a
‘‘monopolist’’ charging an above market price for
health benefits. In its second role, the health insurer
acts as a buyer, and the input consists of physician
and other medical services. The insurer’s input
prices are the compensation it pays in the form of
physician fees and fees for medical services. In this
role, the health insurer may act as a ‘‘monopsonist,’’
reducing the level of services or quality of care by
reducing compensation to providers. Health
insurers are both buyers of medical services and
sellers of insurance (to consumers), so insurance
mergers can raise both monopsony and monopoly
concerns.
11 These market shares are substantially smaller
than the market shareswhich would result from the
United-Sierra merger in the HMO markets of
Nevada and Clark County (80% in Nevada and 94%
in Clark County).
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suppress physician reimbursement rates
in Houston and Dallas, resulting in a
reduction of quantity or degradation of
quality of medical services in the
areas.12 The operative question from
DOJ’s perspective was could health care
providers defeat an effort by the merged
firm to reduce provider compensation
by a significant amount, e.g., 5%. The
question was answered in the negative
for several reasons: physicians have
limited ability to encourage patients to
switch health plans, and physicians’
time (unlike other commodities) cannot
be stored, which means that physicians
incur irrecoverable losses when patients
are lost but not replaced. To exacerbate
matters, contracts with physicians were
negotiated on an individual basis, and
were therefore susceptible to price
discrimination by powerful buyers.
Thus, DOJ concluded that Aetna had
sufficient power to impose adverse
contract terms on physicians, especially
decreased physician reimbursement
rates, which would ‘‘likely lead to a
reduction in quantity or degradation in
the quality of physicians’ services.’’ 13
To resolve these competitive concerns
the DOJ ordered Aetna to divest its
entire interest in NYLCare-Gulf Coast
and NYLCare-Southwest, its Houston
and Dallas commercial HMO business.
This consisted of 260,000 covered lives
in Houston and 167,000 covered lives in
Dallas.
In 2006, the DOJ investigated the
merger between United and PacifiCare
and focused on potential competitive
concerns in relevant markets for
commercial health insurance for small
group employers in Tucson, Arizona
and physician services in both Tucson
and Boulder, Colorado.14 Small group
employers are employers with 2–50
employees. The merger would have
combined the second and third largest
providers of commercial health
insurance in Tucson and increased
United’s market share from 16% to
33%.
The merger also raised concerns over
the potential harm to competition in the
purchase of physician services in both
Tucson and Boulder. The DOJ explained
that by combining United and
PacifiCare ‘‘the acquisition will give
United the ability to unduly depress
physician reimbursement rates in
Tucson and Boulder, likely leading to a
reduction in quantity or degradation in
12 United States v. Aetna,, Revised Competitive
Impact Statement, Civil Action 3–99CV1398–H.
13 Id.
14 United States v. UnitedHealth Group Inc., Case
No. 1:05CV02436 (D.C.C. Dec. 20, 2005), available
at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f213800/
213815.htm.
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the quality of physician services.’’ 15 In
other words the DOJ found that a health
plan’s power over physicians to depress
reimbursement rates can be harmful to
patients—the ultimate consumers of
health care. The market shares involved
were relatively modest: in excess of
35% in Tucson and in excess of 30% in
Boulder ‘‘for a substantial number of
physicians in those areas.’’
In response to the potential harm to
competition, the DOJ required United to
divest contracts covering at least 54,517
members residing in Tucson, Arizona to
yield a post-merger market share equal
to its pre-merger market share.
Furthermore, the DOJ required United to
divest 6,066 members covered under its
contract with the University of
Colorado. This divesture constituted
nearly half of PacifiCare’s total
commercial membership in Boulder.
The antitrust laws protect not only
consumers but any group of buyers,
potentially including a governmental
buyer. Buyers of health insurance
services have varying needs and ability
to secure competitive rates. An example
of this is a case filed by the City of New
York challenging the merger between
Group Health Incorporated (‘‘GHI ’’) and
the Health Insurance Plan of greater
New York (‘‘HIP’’) in the fall of 2006.16
There are numerous health insurance
competitors, including HMOs and PPOs
in the New York City market, but for the
low cost product required by the City
and affiliated entities the only rivals
were GHI and HIP. The case alleged that
the merger of GHI and HIP would create
a monopoly in the New York
metropolitan area market for low cost
health insurance purchased by the City
of New York and its employee unions
together with the city’s employees and
retirees as well as 35 other employers
with ties to the city and their employees
and retirees such as the Housing
Authority, the Metropolitan Museum of
Art and universities (all of which
participate in the New York City health
benefits program). The case alleges that
city employees and retirees and those
individuals who participate in the
health benefits program would be faced
with increased costs for insurance and
reduced service if the merger were
consummated. Litigation in the case is
ongoing, but it suggests the broad range
of markets that can be adversely affected
by a merger.
15 United States v. UnitedHealth Group,
Competition Impact Statement at 8, available at
https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/cases/f215000/
215034.htm.
16 City of New York v. Group Health Inc., et al.,
(S.D.N.Y. 2006).
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IV. Special Information Concerns for
Health Insurance Mergers
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In determining the competitive effect
of a merger the crucial issue is the
impact on the consumer, the ultimate
beneficiary of the insurance system. The
questions to be examined include will
consumers have to pay more for
insurance in higher premiums or
deductibles, will they suffer from poorer
service such as longer waiting times or
deterred services, and will they suffer
from lower quality of care? Since
consumers can not vote on a merger,17
how does the Commissioner, antitrust
enforcer, or the courts evaluate the
impact of a merger on consumers?
Insurance companies, employers,
unions and buyers of insurance (‘‘plan
sponsors’’), and health care providers
will all have views of the impact of the
merger on consumers. The views of the
insurance companies can not be
determinative, since they have an
obligation to their stockholders to
maximize profits.
The views of plan sponsors are
relevant, but their failure to object to a
merger may not be of significant
evidentiary value. Plan sponsors
represent the interests of their
subscribers and thus may be concerned
with the exercise of monopoly power
leading to higher premiums. However,
as antitrust authorities have recognized
in many merger investigations, buyers of
services may be very reluctant to
complain about a merger for a variety of
factors. They may simply pass on higher
post-merger prices to the ultimate
customer. In the health insurance area,
although plan sponsors may be
concerned about the cost of health
insurance they may be less sensitive to
the reduction in quality or service that
may result from a merger. Finally, a
customer may fear retribution postmerger.18 This may particularly be the
case in Nevada where the acquired firm
will remain as the largest insurer even
if the merger is denied. Thus, the fact
that plan sponsors do not complain, or
actually support a merger, should not be
17 Fortunately, the Commissioner has decided to
hold an extensive series of hearings on the merger
and provided a significant opportunity for public
comment. The majority of the public comments
filed by consumers to date oppose the merger.
18 There are a wide variety of reasons why
customer support of a merger may not be
particularly probative. See Ken Heyer, Predicting
the Competitive Effects of Merger by Listening to
Buyers, 74 Antitrust L.L. 87 (2007); Joseph Farrell,
Listening to Interested Parties in Antitrust
Investigations: Competitors, Customers,
Complementors, and Relativity, Antitrust. Spring
2004 at 64 (explaining why customers may support
an otherwise anticompetitive merger).
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determinative of a merger’s likely
competitive effect.19
On the other hand healthcare
providers may be a far more superior
representative of the consumer interest
and their concerns deserve careful
attention. Physicians and other
healthcare providers directly experience
the diminution of service and quality
when so-called cost containment efforts
go too far. Physicians serve as advocates
for the patient, especially in the often
adversarial setting of managed care.
Since healthcare providers experience
first hand the impact of reductions in
service they are more sensitive to the
potential exercise of market power by
health insurance. It is important to
recognize in evaluating the concerns
raised by providers that they are not just
complaining about decreased
compensation. Rather the issues raised
by healthcare providers are central to
concerns over quality of care: reduced
services, greater waiting times,
unacceptably short hospital stays,
postponed or unperformed medical
treatments, suboptimal alternative
medical treatments, laboratory tests not
performed, and other output restrictions
on health services.
IV. Competitive Analysis of the UnitedSierra Merger
Health Insurer Concentration: Harm to
Buyers
The concentration of the health
insurance industry has increased
nationally due to a tremendous number
of mergers and acquisitions and
numerous smaller insurers exiting the
industry.20 Over the past 10 years there
have been over 400 health insurer’s
mergers. United has acquired several
firms including California-based
PacifiCare Health Systems, Inc., Oxford
Health Plans, and John Deere Health
Plan, increasing its membership to 32
million. Similarly, WellPoint, Inc. now
owns Blue Cross plans in 14 states.
Together, WellPoint and United control
over 33 percent of the U.S. commercial
health insurance market.
19 See FTC v. H.J. Heinz Co., 246 F.3d 708 (D.C.
Cir. 2001) (customers strongly supported merger);
United States v. United Tote, 768 F. Stupp. 1064,
1084–85 (D.Del. 1991) (enjoining merger despite
testimony of ‘‘numerous buyers’’ that the merger
would be procompetitive in creating a stronger rival
to a dominant firm); United States v. Ivaco, 704 F.
Supp. 1409, 1428 (W.D. Mich. 1989)(all testifying
customers supported merger); FTC v. Imo Indus.,
1992–2 Trade Cas. (CCH) ¶ 69,943, at 68,559 (D.D.C.
1989).
20 Victoria Colliver, ‘‘Insurer’s Mergers Limiting
Options: Health Care Choices Are Narrowing Says
Study by AMA,’’ San Francisco Chronicle, April 18,
2006 (last viewed 7/8/07) https://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/
article.cgi?file=/chronicle/archive/2006/04/18/
BUGUQIAH161.DTL&type=business.
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This increase in concentration has not
benefited consumers. Studies indicate
that health insurance premiums have
increased at a rate more than twice the
rate of inflation or the rate of increases
in workers’ earnings. Average annual
premium increases have ranged from
8.2% to 13.9% since 2001.21 Moreover,
since 2000, the number of employers
offering health coverage benefits has
decreased by nearly 10%. Studies
indicated that medical benefits have not
expanded despite premium increases. In
contrast, health insurer profits have
increased by 246% in the aggregate over
the past decade.22
Consumers in highly concentrated
health insurance markets are most
vulnerable to insurance premium
increases without comparable benefit
increases, mirroring data of escalating
health costs on the national level. One
study found that more than 95% of
Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs)
had at least one insurer in the combined
HMO/PPO market with a market share
greater than 30% and more than 56% of
MSAs had at least one insurer with
market share greater than 50%.23 In
concentrated MSAs such as these, there
is a much greater likelihood that one
firm, or a small group of firms, could
successfully exercise market power and
profitably increase prices or decrease
compensation leading to less quality or
service. As one prominent healthcare
professor has observed in testimony
before the U.S. Senate Judiciary
Committee:
What is so important about the sheer
number of competitors? Econometric
evidence shows that in the managed
care field, an increase in the number of
competitors is associated with lower
health plan costs and premiums;
conversely, a decrease in the number of
competitors is associated with increases
in plan costs and premiums. The
evidence also shows that the sheer
number of competitors exerts a stronger
influence on these outcomes than does
the penetration level achieved by plans
in the market.24
21 Kaiser Family Foundation and Health Research
and Educational Trust, Employer Health Benefits:
2006 Summary of Findings, 2006 (last viewed 7/8/
2007) https://www.kff.org/insurance/7527/upload/
7528.pdf.
22 Laura Benko, ‘‘Monopoly Concerns: AMA Asks
Antitrust Regulators to Restore Balance,’’ Modern
Physician, June 1, 2006.
23 Edward Langston, ‘‘Statement of the American
Medical Association to the Senate Committee on
the Judiciary United States Senate: Examining
Competition in Group Health Care,’’ Sept. 6, 2006
(last viewed 7/8/07) https://www.ama-assn.org/
ama1/pub/upload/mm/399/antitrust090606.pdf.
24 Testimony of Professor Lawton R. Burns re. the
Highmark/Independence Blue Cross Merger, before
the Senate Judiciary Committee (April 7, 2007).
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As we discuss below, the health
insurance markets in the state of
Nevada, especially Clark County, are
highly concentrated, and the merger of
Sierra with United is likely to
substantially harm competition and
consumers.
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Harm to Competition in Nevada From
the United-Sierra Merger
Correctly defining an economically
meaningful market is essential for
ensuring that consumers of that market
do not become subject to market power
due to increases in market concentration
and decreases in competition as a result
of a merger. The key question in this
merger as in other mergers is the
definition of the relevant product
market. The courts have held that a
relevant product market ‘‘must be
drawn narrowly to exclude any other
product to which, within reasonable
variations and price, only a limited
number of buyers will turn.’’ TimesPicayune Pub. Co v. United States, 345
U.S. 594, 612 n.31 (1953). Market
definition focuses on demand
substitution facts, and whether or not
consumers would or could turn to a
different product or geographic location
in response to a ‘‘small but significant
non-transitory increase in price.’’ 25
Typically, the antitrust agencies and the
courts have implemented this test by
seeking to identify the smallest group of
products over which prices could be
profitably increased by a ‘‘small but
significant’’ amount (normally 5
percent) for a substantial period of time
(normally one year).26
In health insurance mergers the DOJ
has reached different, although not
inconsistent, conclusions as to the
relevant product market. For example,
in the Aetna-Prudential merger DOJ
concluded that the relevant product
markets were the sale of health
maintenance organization (‘‘HMO’’) and
HMO-based point of service (‘‘HMO–
POS’’) health plans. The DOJ noted that
HMO and HMO–POS products differ
from PPO or other indemnity products
in term of benefit design cost and other
factors. HMOs provide superior
preventative care benefits, place limits
on treatment options and generally
require the use of a primary care
25 According to the Merger Guidelines, ‘‘[a]
market is defined as a product or group of products
and a geographic area in which it is produced or
sold such that a hypothetical profit-maximizing
firm, not subject to price regulation, that was the
only present and future seller of those products in
that area would likely impose at least a ‘small but
significant nontransitory’ increase in price,
assuming the terms of sale of all other products are
held constant.’’ Merger Guidelines § 1.0.
26 FTC v. Staples, 970 F. Supp. at 1076 n.8;
Merger Guidelines § 1.11, at 5–6.
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physician ‘‘gatekeeper.’’ PPO plans are
not structured in that fashion and do not
emphasize preventative care. HMOs
were perceived as being better devices
to control costs and configure benefits.
In addition, both the insurers and
buyers of insurance services perceived
PPOs and HMOs as being separate
products. Thus. the DOJ concluded that
the elasticity of demand for HMOs and
HMO–POS plans are sufficiently low
that a small but significant price
increase for these plans would be
profitable because consumers would not
shift to PPO and other indemnity plans
to make the increase unprofitable.
In United/PacifiCare, the DOJ defined
a relevant product market as the sale of
commercial health insurance to small
group employers. This market consisted
of employers with 2–50 employees.
These employers were particularly
susceptible to potential anticompetitive
conduct because they lacked a sufficient
employee population to self-insure and
they lacked the multiple locations
necessary to reduce risk through
geographic diversity. In addition the
manner in which commercial health
insurance was sold also distinguished
the small and large group markets. Large
employers were more likely than
smaller employers to be able to
successfully engage extensive
negotiations with United and PacifiCare.
We believe that both an HMO and
small employer market may be
adversely affected by the United-Sierra
merge.27 Surveys demonstrate that
consumers do not perceive HMOs and
PPOs as substitute products and
consumers believe that they differ in
terms of benefit design, cost, and
general approaches to treatment.28 PPOs
tend to provide more flexibility in
selection of physicians and specialists
and tend to be more expensive. In
contrast, HMOs focus more on
preventative medicine but limit
treatment options and require referrals
from a ‘‘gatekeeper’’ for many
procedures. Consumers with special
health needs and those relying more on
strong relationships with their
physicians would generally not be
satisfied if forced to subscribe to an
HMO with restrictions on personal
choices. ‘‘A small but significant price
increase in the premiums for HMOs and
27 Defining the market in terms of a single product
is appropriate since the Nevada statute provides
that the Commissioner can deny a merger
application if she ‘‘determines that an acquisition
may substantially lessen competition in any line of
insurance in this state or tends to create a
monopoly.’’ NRS 692.258(1).
28 See United States v. Aetna Revised Complaint
Impact Statement, Civil Action 3–99CV1398–H
(N.D.Tex, 1999).
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HMO–POS plans would not cause a
sufficient number of customers to shift
to other health insurance products to
make such a price increase
unprofitable.’’29
Moreover, small employers are less
likely to have significant alternatives in
response to a price increase by the
merged firm. Small employers are
unable to self-insure and have little
power to negotiate better rates.
The relevant geographic market seems
to be a fairly straightforward matter
since health care services are primarily
local. From the perspective of the
buyers of insurance services, employers
want insurance where the employees
work and live. Thus in Aetna/
Prudential, the DOJ concluded ‘‘the
relevant geographic market in which
HMO and HMO–POS plans compete are
thus generally no larger than the local
areas within which HMO * * *
enrollees demand access to providers.
* * * As a result, commercial and
government health insurers—the
primary purchasers of physician
services—seek to have their provider
network’s physicians whose offices are
convenient to where their enrollees
work or live.’’
In this merger the likely geographic
markets are Clark County, Nevada and
the larger geographic market of the State
of Nevada. Consumers faced with an
increase in prices for HMOs are unlikely
to travel a long distance away from
homes or places of business in order to
escape price increases and purchase
HMO services at a lower price.
Generally, consumers are reluctant to
travel lengthy distances when they are
sick. Moreover, virtually all managed
care companies provide networks in
localities where employees live and
work, and they compete with the other
local networks.30 Thus, we believe the
proper relevant markets are the
provision of HMO services in Clark
County and Nevada.31
Concentration and Competitive Effects
Once the market is defined antitrust
authorities and the courts calculate
market shares and concentration levels
(using the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index
(HHI)). This merger will lead to an
unprecedented level of concentration. In
the Clark County HMO market United’s
market share will increase from 14 to
94%. If PPOs are included, United’s
market share increases from 9% to 60%.
Regardless of how the product market is
29 Id.
30 Id.
31 As to the market for the sale of health insurance
products to small employers we have no reason to
believe the concentration measures differ
significantly from the HMO market.
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49889
Measuring concentration using the
HHI leads to similar results. The Merger
Guidelines define a market with an HHI
over 1800 as ‘‘highly concentrated’’ and
an increase over 100 is ‘‘likely to create
or enhance market power or facilitate its
exercise.’’ The post-merger HHI for
HMOs in the state of Nevada is 4,871
and the post-merger increase in HHI is
1,625. The HMO market in Clark County
is even more concentrated, with a postmerger HHI of 8,884 and a post-merger
increase in HHI of 2,235. These
exorbitantly high HHIs support the
presumption that a merger between the
two largest HMOs in the highly
concentrated Nevada HMO market
would likely create or enhance market
power or facilitate its exercise. The
market share data obtained form the
Nevada State Health Division is
provided below. (Figure 1).
The Nevada and Clark County
markets are highly concentrated, no
matter how defined. The parties may
suggest that this is of little import
because the increase in concentration is
not substantial because United currently
has a relatively modest market share.
Such an argument is inconsistent with
the facts and the law. United is the
largest health insurer in the United
States and the second largest rival in the
market, with the ability and incentive to
expand competition. As to the law as
the Supreme Court has acknowledged,
‘‘if concentration is already great, the
importance of preventing even slight
increases in concentration is
correspondingly great.’’ 33
As important, the combined UnitedSierra will be substantially larger than
its next closest rival, In the Nevada
HMO market it will be over 10 times
larger (80% to 7% for the second largest
firm) and in the Clark County market it
will be over 30 times larger (94% to
3%). The courts have recognized that
smaller rivals are far less likely to
constrain the conduct of a dominant
firm post-merger, and have enjoined
mergers with far smaller disparities in
market share. United States v.
Phillipsburg Nat’l Bank, 399 U.S. 350,
367 (1970) (merged firm three times the
size of next largest rival); FTC v. PPG,
798 F.2d 1500, 1502–03 (D.C. Cir. 1986)
(two and one-half times as large). Where
a merger produces a firm that is
significantly larger than its closest
competitors, it increases the likelihood
that the firm will be able to raise prices,
decrease compensation, and reduce
quality without fear that the small
sellers will be able to take away enough
business to defeat the price increase.
See United States v. Rockford Mem.
Corp., 898 F.2d 1278, 1283–84 (7th Cir.)
(Posner, J.), cert. denied, 498 U.S. 920
(1990); H. Hovenkamp, Federal
Antitrust Policy § 12.4c (1993) (‘‘markets
may often have small niches or pockets
where new firms can carve out a tiny
position for themselves without having
much of an effect on competitive
conditions in the market as a whole’’).
32 Data provided from the Nevada State Health
Division.
33 United States v. General Dynamics Corp., 415
U.S. 486, 497 (1974).
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34 Data
from the Nevada State Health Division.
market share for WellPoint in Clark County
is overstated because in the absence of data by
35 The
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Combined PPO and HMO Markets
Using a definition of the health
insurance product market as the
combination of HMOs and PPOs, the
health insurance market in Nevada is
highly concentrated, and the UnitedSierra merger would substantially
increase the likelihood of competitive
harm.
The market share for Sierra and
United combined in Nevada is 48%,
while in Clark County the combined
United-Sierra market share is 60%. The
post-merger HHI for the Nevada and
Clark County markets are 3372 and
5244, respectively, The increase in the
HHI market resulting from the UnitedSierra merger is 555 for the State of
Nevada and 921 for Clark County. Data
of market shares from the Nevada State
Health Division for the HMO and PPO
markets is provided in Figure 2.
territory, all WellPoint customers were allocated to
Clark County.
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defined United is clearly a dominant
firm, far larger than the post-merger
market shares of the combined Aetna/
Prudential or United/PacifiCare in those
markets where DOJ brought enforcement
actions. Even in a Nevada HMO market,
the market share increases from 12% to
80% and in a Nevada HMO–PPO market
United’s market share increases from
7% to 48%. Simply put, post-merger
United will be a dominant firm no
matter how the market is defined.
Federal Register / Vol. 73, No. 164 / Friday, August 22, 2008 / Notices
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Conclusion on the Impact of the UnitedSierra Merger on Consumers
As the U.S. Supreme Court has held
where a merger results in a significant
increase in concentration and produces
a firm that controls an undue percentage
of the market, the combination is so
inherently likely to lessen competition
substantially that it ‘‘must be enjoined
in the absence of evidence clearly
showing that the merger is not likely to
have such anticompetitive effects.’’
United States v. Philadelphia Nat’l
Bank, 374 U.S. 321, 363 (1963), The
United-Sierra merger clearly raises
extraordinary and unprecedented levels
of concentration which raise serious
concerns about this merger. Nevada is in
need of greater competition, not less.
Further consolidation among the limited
health plan providers in Nevada poses
a substantial threat of harming
customers, increasing the costs of health
care, and decreasing access to quality
health care and the quality of health.
This merger clearly ‘‘would likely be
harmful or prejudicial to the members of
the public who purchase insurance’’
and thus should be denied.
V. Health Insurer Concentration: Harm
to Sellers and Quality of Care
The nature of the health care industry
facilitates the potential for a dominant
health coverage or insurance firm to
exercise market power (or monopsony)
over individuals selling health care
services within a geographic region.
Because medical services can be neither
stored nor exported, health care
professionals generally must sell their
services to buyers (insurance firms and
their customers) in a relatively small
geographic market. Refusing the terms
of the dominant buyer, physicians may
suffer an irrevocable loss of revenue,
Consequently, a physician’s ability to
terminate a relationship with an
insurance coverage plan depends on her
ability to make up lost business by
switching to an alternative insurance
coverage plan. Where those alternatives
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are lacking a physician may be forced to
reduce the level of service in response
to a decrease in compensation.
Not all insurance providers are equal
from the perspective of a health care
provider. A smaller insurance company
with fewer covered lives may not he an
attractive alternative. Health care
providers who depend on an insurance
program for all or most of their income
are at a substantial disadvantage when
there are not competing programs
available; when they switch programs,
they tend to lose the patients who have
that particular coverage, It makes little
sense for a provider to switch to an
insurer who has a substantially smaller
market share because there won’t be
enough patients to sustain the practice.
Thus, it is critical for insurance
regulators to maintain a competitive
market in which health care providers
have significant competitive
alternatives.
In the Aetna/Prudential and United/
PacifiCare mergers, the DOJ raised
monopsony concerns in markets for
purchasing physicians’ services where
the market shares were far less
substantial than they are in Clark
County. For example, in United/
PacifiCare the DOJ alleged that the
combined firm would account for an
excess of 35% in Tucson and over 30%
in Boulder.
In addition, it is important to
recognize that it may be appropriate to
prevent a firm from securing
monopsony power even if it faces a
competitive downstream market. In
other words there may be antitrust
concerns if a health insurer can lower
compensation to providers even if it can
not raise prices to consumers. For
example, in United/PacifiCare the
Division required a divestiture based on
monopsony concerns in Boulder even
though United/PacifiCare would not
necessarily have had market power in
the sale of health insurance. The reason
is straightforward—the reduction in
compensation would lead to diminished
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service and quality of care, which harms
consumers even though the direct prices
paid by subscribers do not increase.36
Underlying the monopsony analysis
in these cases is the premise that
physicians who have a large share of
reimbursements from the merged firm
lack alternatives in response to a
reduction in compensation. As alleged
in Aetna, they cannot retain or timely
replace a sufficient portion of those
payments if the physicians stop
participating in the plans. Moreover, it
is difficult to convince patients to
switch to different plans.37
Consequently, according to the Division
these physicians would not be in a
position to reject a ‘‘take it or leave it’’
contract offer and could be forced to
accept low reimbursement rates from a
merged entity, likely leading to a
reduction in quantity or degradation in
quality of physician services.
The merging parties may suggest that
there is some safe harbor for mergers
leading to a market share below 35%.
As the DOJ enforcement action in
Boulder demonstrates that is not the
case. The unique nature of health care
provider services explains why
monopsony concerns are raised at lower
levels of concentration than may be
appropriate in other industries. If a
health care provider’s output is
suppressed by a reduction in
compensation, then it is a lost sale that
36 See Marius Schwartz, Buyer Power Concerns
andthe Aetna-Prudential Merger, Address Before
the 5thAnnual Health Care Antitrust Forum at
Northwestern University School of Law 4–6
(October 20, 1999) (noting that anticompetitive
effects can occur even if the conduct does not
adversely affect the ultimate consumers who
purchase the end-product), available at https://
www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/speeches/3924.wpd.
37 As alleged in the United complaint, physicians
encouraging patients to change plans ‘‘is
particularly difficult for patients employed by
companies that sponsor only one plan because the
patient would need to persuade the employer to
sponsor an additional plan with the desired
physician in the plans’s network’’ or the patient
would have to use the physician on an out-ofnetwork basis at a higher cost. Complaint at
paragraph 37.
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cannot be recovered later. Physician
services can not be stored for later sale.
As the DOJ observed in United/
PacifiCare: ‘‘A physician’s ability to
terminate a relationship with a
commercial health insurer depends on
his or her ability to replace the amount
of business lost from the termination,
and the time it would take to do so.
Failing to replace lost business
expeditiously is costly.’’ 38 The DOJ
observed that there are limited outlets
for physician services: ‘‘There are no
purchasers to whom physicians can sell
their services other than individual
patients or the commercial and
governmental health insurers that
purchase physician services on behalf of
their patients.’’ 39 As a former DOJ
official observed ‘‘these factors explain
why the Department concluded that
shares below 35 percent, in the
particular markets at issue, sufficed to
allege competitive harm.’’ 40
Again the proponents of health
insurance mergers may suggest that
regulators should take a benign view
about the creation of monopsony power
because health insurers are ‘‘buyers’’
acting in the interest of reducing prices.
As we suggested earlier this view is
mistaken. Health insurers are not true
fiduciaries for insurance subscribers.
Plan sponsors may have a limited
concern over the product based on the
cost of the insurance, and not the
quality of care. Furthermore, health
coverage plans operate in the interest of
a group, not in the best interest of
individual patients. Consequently,
insurance firms can increase profits by
reducing the level of service and
denying medical procedures that
physicians would normally perform
based on professional judgment. In the
absence of competition among insurers,
patients are more likely to pay for these
procedures out-of-pocket or forego them
entirely. Ultimately, the creation of
38 Complaint,
at paragraph 36.
at paragraph 33.
40 Mark Botti, Remarks before the ABA Antitrust
Section, ‘‘Observations on and from the Antitrust
Division’s Buyer-Side Cases: How Can ‘‘Lower’’
Prices Violate the Antitrust Laws.’’ He also noted
that: ‘‘Physicians have a limited ability to maintain
the business of patients enrolled in a health plan
once the physician terminates. Physicians could
retain patients by encouraging them to switch to
another health plan in which the physician
participates. This is particularly difficult for
patients employed by companies that sponsor only
one plan because the patient would need to
persuade the employer to sponsor an additional
plan with the desired physician in the plan’s
network. Alternatively, the patient may remain in
the plan, visiting the physician on an out-ofnetwork basis. The patient would be faced with the
prospect of higher out-of-pocket costs, either in the
form of increased co-payments for use of an out-ofnetwork physician, or by absorbing the full cost of
the physician care.’’ Complaint at paragraph 37.
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monopsony power from a merger can
adversely impact both the quantity and
quality of health care.
Finally, the evidence from mergers
throughout the U.S. strongly suggests
that the creation of buyer power from
health insurance consolidation has not
benefited competition or consumers.
Although compensation to providers
has been reduced health insurance
premiums have continued to increase
rapidly. Moreover, evidence from other
mergers suggests that insurers dot not
pass savings on from these mergers to
consumers. Rather, insurance premiums
increase along with insurance company
profits.
Monopsony in the Health Care Markets
of Nevada
United’s acquisition of Sierra would
give it unique control over the
physicians serving the HMO and HMOPPO markets in Clark County and the
State of Nevada. The merger will
combine the two largest HMOs with an
84% market share in Nevada and a 90%
market share in Clark County,
dramatically higher than the
concentration in any merger approved
by the DOJ. In light of these high market
shares, a physician faced with unfair
contract terms could not credibly
threaten to leave the combined UnitedSierra health plan, except by departing
Clark County.
The parties have suggested the
markets for physician reimbursement
are far less concentrated. At the earlier
hearing they suggested the merged firm
would account for only 17% of
physician reimbursement in the state
and 21% in Clark County. We do not
know the basis for the claimed
reimbursement percentages. One should
take United’s estimates of market shares
with a large grain of salt. In United/
PacifiCare their lawyers suggested the
parties’ total share of physicians’
reimbursement likely were substantially
below the 35% threshold, but those
estimates were rejected by DOJ. As one
of their advocates said ‘‘indeed the
parties calculated their total shares of
physician reimbursements in the
Tucson and Boulder MSAs were
substantially lower than the shares
asserted in the complaint.’’ 41 The
estimates of the proponents in the
Aetna/Prudential merger were also
rejected by the DOJ.42
41 Fiona Schaeffer et al., ‘‘Diagnosing Monopsony
and other issues in Health Care Mergers: an
overview of United/PacifiCare Investigation,’’
Antitrust Health Care Chronicle (2006).
42 The estimates of the level of physician
reimbursement by the proponents of the Aetna/
Prudential merger were also rejected by the DOJ.
The proponents suggested that the total amount of
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49891
Monopsony power exercised by
HMOs and health insurance plans, like
high medical malpractice insurance
premiums, has the potential to drive
health care professionals out of
geographic regions and even into other
professions. The Nevada health care
market currently faces one of the largest
shortages of doctors and nurses in the
country.43 It ranks 49th of the 50 states
in physician coverage. Shortages of
health care professionals can become a
vicious cycle admonishing others
against entering the profession. Doctor
shortages increase with shortages of
nurses and increases in insurance
costs.44 Nationally, it has become less
attractive to become a physician because
of the enormous cost associated with
medical education, long years of
schooling and residencies, and
increased difficulty in earning a
living.45 Recently, Nevada has
implemented programs to attract doctors
from Mexico and train doctors in
Mexico at the Universidad Autonoma de
Guadelajara.46
Similar problems exist in nursing.
Understaffed nursing departments
require nurses to work overtime, work
more holiday shifts, and undertake more
responsibilities. These conditions
exacerbate protracted work-related
stress and decrease the attractiveness of
working as a nurse in Nevada.
Moreover, reduced flexibility for time
off and patient dissatisfaction resulting
from overworked nurses is generally
associated with lower levels of job
satisfaction and higher turnover rates.47
physician revenues affected by the merger were far
less than thirty percent according to public
available data. According to the proponents the
merged firm would have accounted for about 20%
of total physician revenues in Houston and about
25% of total physician revenues in the Dallas-Fort
Worth area after the transaction. In addition, there
were 14 HMOs in the Houston area and 12 HMOs
in Dallas. See Robert E. Bloch et al. ‘‘A New and
Uncertain Future for Managed Care Mergers: An
Antitrust Analysis of the Aetna/Prudential Merger.’’
Yet the DOJ required an enforcement action to
address monopsony concerns in spite of these
alleged low shares of reimbursement.
43 See Lawrence Mower, ‘‘Help Sought South of
the Border,‘‘ Las Vegas Review Journal, Jan. 22,
2007; see also Lenita Powers, ‘‘Big Day at Lawlor,’’
Reno Gazette, Dec. 9, 2006 (expressing that nurses
in Nevadaare in a desperately short supply,
especially OR nurses).
44 See Lawrence Mower, ‘‘Help Sought South of
the Border,’’ Las Vegas Review Journal, Jan. 22,
2007.
45 Lawrence Mower, ‘‘Help Sought South of the
Border,’’ Las Vegas Review Journal, Jan. 22, 2007.
46 Id.
47 See Jennifer Kettle, Factors Affecting Job
Satisfaction in the Registered Nurse, Journal of
Undergraduate Nursing Scholarship, Fall 2002 (last
viewed July 9, 2007) https://www.juns.
nursing.arizona.edu/articles/Fall%202002/Kettle
.htm.
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VI. Conclusion on the Impact of the
United-Sierra Merger on Health Care
Professionals and Quality of Care
The United-Sierra merger poses a
substantial threat to competition leading
to reduced compensation for health care
professionals who may be forced to
reduce service and quality of care. This
reduced quality of care ‘‘would likely be
harmful or prejudicial to the members of
the public who purchase insurance.’’
Further consolidation in the HMO and
health coverage markets in Nevada may
have detrimental short-term and longterm effects by exacerbating the crisis of
the health professional shortage.
Competition is essential to the delivery
of high quality health care services. The
United-Sierra merger will further distort
the already concentrated and inefficient
Nevada health care market.
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Barriers to Entry Are High
As noted earlier, entry can be a factor
in the analysis of a merger that may
reverse the presumption of
anticompetitive effects. The courts have
required that ‘‘entry into the market will
likely avert the anticompetitive effects
from the acquisition.’’ FTC v. Staples,
970 F. Supp. 1066, 1086 (D.D.C, 1997).
Entry must be ‘‘timely, likely
insufficient in its magnitude, character
and scope to deter or counteract the
competitive effects’’ of a proposed
acquisition. Merger Guidelines § 3.0.
The barriers to entry in the HMO and
health insurance markets in Nevada and
Clark County are very high. There has
been relatively little recent entry into
either Clark County or Nevada. The fact
that United, the largest health insurer in
the U.S., chose to enter into Nevada
through two acquisitions —PacifiCare
and Sierra—suggests the significant
difficulty of de novo entry in these
markets.
Generally, entry into health insurance
markets is difficult. The health care
industry does not fit the traditional
model of perfect competition as
expounded by the Chicago School.48 For
example there is a high degree of ‘‘lockin’’ because plan sponsors cannot
disrupt the medical treatment of
countless employee/patients. New
entrants are vulnerable to the high
switching costs that characterize the
health insurance industry. Many
consumers have no choice for health
48 See Thomas Greaney, Chicago’s Procrustean
Bed; Applying Antitrust Law in Health Care, 71
Antitrust L.J. 857 nl (2004) (’’Perfectly competitive
markets demonstrate the following four
characteristics: (1) Perfect product homogeneity (2)
large numbers of buyers and sellers (3) perfect
knowledge of market conditions by all market
participants and (4) complete mobility of all
product resources.’’)
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coverage plans and must accept the plan
provided by an employer. Other
consumers can only switch during an
‘‘open enrollment’’ season. Doctors
cannot easily switch their patients to a
different health plan and, in the absence
of a large number of patients enrolled in
a plan, a doctor may find that additional
claim processing costs exceed the
benefits of carrying an additional health
coverage provider. Similarly, doctors
may be reluctant to switch plans
because earnings lost in pursuit of new
patients and alternate third-party payers
may lead to exorbitant losses.49
Developing an HMO from scratch
requires extensive expenditure on
recruiting and maintaining health
professionals, developing computer
information systems and data banks,
and high expenditures on overhead and
clinical facilities. De novo entry is very
challenging since new entrants must
develop a reputation and product
recognition with purchasers to convince
them to disrupt their current
relationships with the dominant health
insurers.50 As a recent DOJ/FTC report
on health care competition reported,
there has been relatively little de novo
entry by national health insurers.51
Not surprisingly the DOJ has
recognized the substantial barriers to
entry and expansion in health insurance
markets. In the Aetna/Prudential
merger, the DOJ found substantial entry
barriers. Certainly Dallas and Houston
were attractive markets for health
insurers. Both markets had a substantial
number of alternative health insurers
capable of expansion. And there were
numerous competitors in other Texas
markets that were capable of entering
into these markets. Yet the DOJ found
substantial entry barriers and that entry
could take two to three years and cost
up to $50 million.52 In particular it
found that it was ‘‘unlikely that a
49 Moreover, most employee/patients are limited
to the physicians within the plan sponsors contract.
50 At the FTC/DOJ Health Care hearings, a former
Missouri Commissioner of Insurance suggested that
new entrants ‘‘face a Catch 22—they need a large
provider network to attract customers, but they also
need a large number of customers to obtain
sufficient price discounts from providers to be
competitive with the incumbents.’’ In addition, he
observed that there is a first mover, or early mover,
advantage in the HMO industry, possibly resulting
in later entrants having a worse risk pool from
which to recruit members. He also observed
reputation may inhibit entry. See Improving Health
Care: A Dose of Competition, A Report by the
Federal Trade Commission and the Department of
Justice, Chapter 6 at 10 (July 2004), available at
https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/public/health_care/
204694/chapter6.htm#3.
51 Id. at 11 (citing testimony that the only
successful entry of national plans has been by
purchasing hospital-owned local health plans).
52 In light of the health professional shortage in
Nevada, these values could be understated.
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company that currently provides PPO or
indemnity health insurance in either
Dallas or Houston would shift its
resources to provide an HMO or HMOPOS plan’’ in either market.53
Entry barriers are even more
substantial in Nevada and Clark County.
The shortage of health care
professionals in Nevada increases
barriers to entry because new entrants
are unlikely to be able to contract with
an adequate number of health
professionals to attract new plan
sponsors and enrollees. Moreover, when
a dominant HMO maintains a high
market share, other health providers
may perceive or experience higher rates
of adverse selection, moral hazard, and
general vulnerability to tactics by a
dominant HMO to raise rival’s cost.54
Experience indicates that new HMOs
have not historically entered highly
concentrated markets after a merger
occurs.
The parties may also suggest that
some of the smaller HMOs and health
insurance providers in Nevada may be
able to expand post-merger to prevent
any anticompetitive effects. This is
extremely unlikely because the fringe
firms are currently so extremely small
and far smaller than a combined UnitedSierra. In cases with an even far smaller
size disparity between the merged and
fringe firms courts have declined to find
that small players might suddenly
expand to constrain a price increase by
leading firms. United States v.
Philadelphia Nat’l Bank, 374 U.S., 321,
367 (1963); United States v. Rockford
Mem. Corp., 898F.2d. 1278, 1283–84
(7th Cir. 1990) (’’three firms having 90
percent of the market can raise prices
with relatively little fear that the fringe
of competitors will be able to defeat the
attempt by expanding their own output
to serve customers of the three large
firms’’).
The small firm expansion claim was
rejected by the DOJ in Aetna/Prudential,
a case with far smaller post-merger
market shares and a far greater number
of fringe firms:
Due not only to these costs and
difficulties, but also to advantages that
Aetna and Prudential hold over their
existing competitors—including
nationally recognized quality
accreditation, product array, provider
network and national scope and
reputation—existing HMO and HMOPOS competitors in Dallas or Houston
are unlikely to be able to expand or
reposition themselves sufficiently to
53 Complaint
at paragraph 23.
Roger Noll, Buyer Power and Antitrust:
‘‘Buyer Power’’ and Economic Policy, 72 Antitrust
L.J. 589, 2005.
54 See
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restrain anticompetitive conduct by
Aetna in either of these geographic
markets.55
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History demonstrates that one can not
rely on new entry in Clark County. Few
competitors from the rest of Nevada
have been able to successfully enter
Clark County. Attempting to enter into
a market dominated by a single firm is
a daunting task. There may be several
obstacles to expansion including cost
disadvantages, efficiencies of scale and
scope and reputational barriers. In other
mergers, the courts have found these
types of impediments to be significant
barriers to entry and expansion. For
example, in the FTC’s successful
challenge to mergers of drug
wholesalers the court noted: ‘‘[t]he sheer
economies of scale and scale and
strength of reputation that the
Defendants already have over these
wholesalers serve as barriers to
competitors as they attempt to grow in
size.’’ 56We believe similar obstacles
exist for potential entrants in these
markets.
Relying on promises of entry and
expansion may be a risky path for
competition and consumers. In recent
FTC/DOJ health care hearings, a former
Missouri Commissioner of Insurance
discussed several HMO mergers that his
office approved based on the parties’
arguments that entry was easy, that
there were no capacity constraints on
existing competitors (there were at least
ten HMO competitors), and that any of
the 320 insurers in the state could easily
enter the HMO market. Unfortunately,
those predictions were mistaken and
there has been no entry in the St. Louis
HMO market since the mid-1990s.57
This experience should make any
regulator cautious about relying on
predictions of new entry.
55 Complaint at paragraph 24. In Aetna, thepostmerger market shares were 44% and 62% and there
were between 10-12 smaller competitors capable of
expansion. In this case, the post-merger market
share is greater than 90% and there are a handful
of smaller competitors.
56 FTC v. Cardinal Health, Inc., 12 F. Supp. 34,
57 (D.D.C. 1998); see United States v. Rockford
Memorial Hosp., 898 F.2d 1278, 1283–84 (7th Cir.
1990) (‘‘the fact [that fringe firms] are so small
suggests that they would incur sharply rising costs
in trying almost to double their output * * * it is
this prospect which keeps them small’’).
57 Testimony of Jay Angoff, former Missouri
Commissioner of Insurance, before the FTC/DOJ
Healthcare Hearings, April 23, 2003 at 40–45,
discussed at Improving Health Care: A Dose of
Competition. A Report by the Federal Trade
Commission and the Department of Justice, Chapter
6 at 10 (July 2004), available at https://www.
usdoj.gov/atr/public/health_care/204694/
chapter6.htm#3.
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Efficiencies of the United-Sierra Merger
Are Minimal
The parties have not suggested that
there are significant efficiencies that
may result from the merger. Under the
Nevada statute, the Commissioner can
consider efficiencies that either
‘‘create[ ] substantial economies of scale
or economies in the use of resources
that may not be created in any other
manner’’ or ‘‘substantially increase[ ]
the availability of insurance.’’ 58 In
either case, the public benefit of either
of these efficiencies must exceed the
loss of competition. This standard
simply can not be met in this case
where the merger creates a dominant
firm.
As a matter of U.S. merger law,
efficiencies can justify an otherwise
anticompetitive merger in very limited
circumstances. Those efficiencies which
are considered under the antitrust laws
are solely those efficiencies which lead
to improvements for consumers in terms
of lower prices, greater innovation or
greater service and quality. Moreover,
an efficiency must be merger specific—
that is it can not be achieved in any less
anticompetitive fashion. When a cost
savings does not result in those benefits
to consumers it is not properly
considered.
The record on recent health insurance
mergers does not suggest that these
mergers have led to substantial benefits
to consumers in lower prices, better
quality of care or service. Despite the
occurrence of hundreds of health
insurance mergers that have occurred in
the past decade, subscriber premiums
have continued to rise at twice the rate
of inflation and physician fees.59 Health
benefits have not expanded with
subscriber premiums.60 Consequently,
the efficiencies in health insurance
mergers deserve careful scrutiny and a
heavy dose of skepticism.61
The actual record on efficiencies from
health insurance mergers is spotty at
best. As Professor Lawton Burns has
observed in Congressional testimony:
[T]he recent historical experience
with mergers of managed care plans and
other types of enterprises does not
reveal any long-term efficiencies.
[E]ven in the presence of [efforts to
achieve cost-savings] and defined postintegration strategies, scale economies
and merger efficiencies are difficult to
58 NRS
692C.256(3).
Benko, ‘‘Monopoly Concerns: AMA Asks
Antitrust Regulators to Restore Balance,’’ Modern
Physician, June 1, 2006.
60 Best Wire, ‘‘Study Says Competition in Health
Markets Waning,’’ Best Wire Apr. 19, 2006.
61 See Laura Benko, ‘‘Bigger Yes, But Better?’’
Modern Health Care, March 19, 2007.
59 Laura
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49893
achieve. The econometric literature
shows that scale economies in HMO
health plans are reached at roughly
100,000 enrollees. * * * Moreover, the
provision of health insurance (e.g.,
front-office and back-office functions) is
a labor-intensive rather than capitalintensive industry. As a result, there are
minimal economies to reap as scale
increases. * * * Finally, there is little
econometric evidence for economies of
scope in these health plans—e.g.,
serving both the commercial and
Medicare populations. Serving these
different patient populations requires
different types of infrastructure. Hence,
few efficiencies may be reaped from
serving large and diverse client
populations. Indeed, really large firms
may suffer from diseconomies of
scale.62
United’s actual record in achieving
efficiencies is a mixed one at best.
Bigger is not necessarily better and a
national platform is not better than a
local one. To provide just one example,
United completely disrupted efficient
working relationships between
University Medical Center and
PacifiCare by replacing the local
insurer’s claims processing with a more
bureaucratic national one.63 This
disruption in working operations
increased the number of unpaid claims
and created other problems with
provider services. One need look no
further than United’s track record for
inadequate claims processing over the
past five years.
• The Nebraska Department of
Insurance, which imposed a fine of
$650,000, the largest ever, on United
Health for inadequately handling
complaints, grievance, and appeals.
• In March 2006, the Arizona
Department of Insurance fined United
$364,750 for violating state law by
denying services and claims, delaying
payment to providers and failing to keep
proper records.
• In December 2005, the Texas
Department of Insurance fined United
$4 million for failing to pay promptly,
lacking accurate claim data reports and
not maintaining adequate complaint
logs. The insurance giant also had to
pay restitution to physicians.64
State imposed fines are an inadequate
remedy for poor services to patients and
doctors. First, the actual payer of these
fines is the consumer, because United
62 Testimony of Professor Lawton R. Burns re. the
Highmark/Independence Blue Cross Merger, before
the Senate Judiciary Committee (April 7, 2007).
63 See Laura Benko, ‘‘Bigger Yes, But Better?’’
Modern Health Care, March 19, 2007.
64 Marshall Allan, ‘‘Insurer Comes Here With a
Trail of Fines From Other States,’’ Las Vegas Sun,
June 20, 2007.
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can pass these fines off to consumers in
the form of higher premiums and copayments. Second, fines pose no solace
to patients that may suffer the persistent
hounding from creditors as a result of
unpaid insurance claims. Further
consolidation will only enhance the
likelihood of shoddy claims service
since consumers will have few rivals to
turn to in response to poor quality of
service.
United may suggest the merger is
procompetitive because it will lead to
improved cost containment initiatives.
Of course, Sierra may adopt those
measures without a merger. In addition,
although efforts to contain costs are
rooted in legitimate needs, the actual
implementation of cost containment
efforts can produce negative
consequences for the quality of health
care provided to consumers. However,
most cost containment efforts center on
decreasing utilization. Moreover, in
concentrated markets, the likelihood of
administered pricing and agreements
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not to reimburse for a procedure is more
likely. Ultimately, the insurer’s gross
margin increases by reducing access to
care and the quality of care for
consumers.
The burden should be on the merging
parties to demonstrate that the
efficiencies they put forward are not
speculative, that they exceed the likely
anticompetitive effects on consumers
and suppliers of services, and that the
benefits will be passed on in the form
of lower premiums and better quality,
rather than larger profits for
shareholders. It is highly unlikely that
burden can be met in this case.
Recommendations
The United-Sierra merger poses a
serious threat to competition in the
provision of insurance and health care
services in Nevada, especially Clark
County. This merger requires
heightened scrutiny given the currently
high concentration of the health
coverage providers in the Nevada
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Sfmt 4703
market and the current shortage of
health care professionals in the State.
The merger should be denied because it
‘‘would * * * substantially lessen
competition in insurance in Nevada or
tend to create a monopoly,’’ through the
creation of a dominant health insurance
provider particularly in Clark County.
Moreover, it will lead to a reduction in
the level and quality of service thus
harming and prejudicing ‘‘the members
of the public who purchase insurance.’’
Enhancement of Nevada’s health care
requires increased levels of competition
and greater market efficiency, which
cannot be achieved through a merger
between two of the State’s largest health
insurance providers. The likelihood of
competitive harms from the UnitedSierra merger is substantial, and the
procompetitive benefits de minimus.
Pursuant to NRS 692C.258(1), we urge
the Commissioner to deny the merger
application.
[FR Doc. E8–17366 Filed 8–21–08; 8:45 am]
BILLING CODE 4410–11–M
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Agencies
[Federal Register Volume 73, Number 164 (Friday, August 22, 2008)]
[Notices]
[Pages 49834-49894]
From the Federal Register Online via the Government Printing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[FR Doc No: E8-17366]
[[Page 49833]]
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Part IV
Department of Justice
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Antitrust Division
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United States v. UnitedHealth Group Incorporated; Response to Public
Comments on the Proposed Final Judgment; Notice
Federal Register / Vol. 73, No. 164 / Friday, August 22, 2008 /
Notices
[[Page 49834]]
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
Antitrust Division
United States v. UnitedHealth Group Incorporated; Response to
Public Comments on the Proposed Final Judgment
Pursuant to the Antitrust Procedures and Penalties Act, 15 U.S.C.
16(b)-(h), the United States hereby publishes the public comments
received on the proposed Final Judgment in United States v.
UnitedHealth Group Incorporated, Civil Action No. 1:08-cv-322, and the
response to the comments. On February 25, 2008, the United States filed
a Complaint alleging that the merger of UnitedHealth Group Incorporated
(``United'') and Sierra Health Services, Inc. (``Sierra'') violated
Section 7 of the Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C. 18. The proposed Final
Judgment, filed on February 25, 2008, requires the combined company to
divest United's individual Medicare Advantage line of business in the
Las Vegas, Nevada area. Public comment was invited within the statutory
60-day comment period. Copies of the Complaint, proposed Final
Judgment, Competitive Impact Statement, Public Comments, the United
States' Response to the Comments, and other papers are currently
available for inspection in Department of Justice, Antitrust Division,
Antitrust Documents Group, 450 5th Street, NW., Suite 1010, Washington,
DC 20530, telephone: (202) 514-2481 and the Office of the Clerk of the
United States District Court for the District of Columbia, 333
Constitution Avenue, NW., Washington, DC 20001.
Copies of any of these materials may be obtained upon request and
payment of a copying fee.
Patricia A. Brink,
Deputy Director of Operations, Antitrust Division.
In the matter of: United States District Court for the District
of Columbia; United States of America, Plaintiff, v. UnitedHealth
Group Incorporated and Sierra Health Services, Inc., Defendants.
[Case No. 1:08-cv-322-ESH]
Response of Plaintiff United States to Public Comments
Pursuant to the requirements of the Antitrust Procedures and
Penalties Act (``APPA'' or ``Tunney Act''), 15 U.S.C. 16(b)-(h), the
United States hereby files the four public comments that the United
States received concerning the proposed Final Judgment in this case and
the United States' response to those comments. The United States will
move the Court for entry of the proposed Final Judgment after the
comments and this Response have been published in the Federal Register,
pursuant to 15 U.S.C. 16(d).
On February 25, 2008, the United States filed the Complaint in this
matter alleging that the proposed merger of UnitedHealth Group
Incorporated (``United'') and Sierra Health Services, Inc. (``Sierra'')
would violate Section 7 of the Clayton Act, 15 U.S.C. 18.
Simultaneously with the filing of the Complaint, the United States
filed a proposed Final Judgment and a Hold Separate and Asset
Preservation Stipulation and Order (``Stipulation'') signed by the
United States and Defendants consenting to the entry of the proposed
Final Judgment after compliance with the requirements of the Tunney
Act.\1\ Pursuant to those requirements, the United States filed a
Competitive Impact Statement (``CIS'') in this Court on February 25,
2008; published the proposed Final Judgment and CIS in the Federal
Register on March 10, 2008, see 73 FR 12762 (2008); and published
summaries of the terms of the proposed Final Judgment and CIS, together
with directions for the submission of written comments relating to the
proposed Final Judgment, in the Washington Post for seven days
beginning on March 16, 2008 and ending on March 22, 2008, and in the
Las Vegas Review-Journal for seven days beginning on March 8, 2008 and
ending on March 14, 2008. The 60-day period for public comments ended
on May 15, 2008, and the United States received the four comments
described below and attached hereto.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ The merger closed on February 25, 2008. In keeping with the
United States' standard practice, neither the Stipulation nor the
proposed Final Judgment prohibited closing the merger. See ABA
Section of Antitrust Law, Antitrust Law Developments 406 (6th ed.
2007) (noting that ``[t]he Federal Trade Commission (as well as the
Department of Justice) generally will permit the underlying
transaction to close during the notice and comment period''). Such a
prohibition could interfere with many time-sensitive deals and
prevent or delay the realization of substantial efficiencies.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
I. The United States' Investigation and the Proposed Final Judgment
On March 11, 2007, United and Sierra entered into an agreement,
whereby United agreed to acquire all outstanding shares of Sierra. Over
the next eleven months, the United States Department of Justice (the
``Department'') conducted an extensive, detailed investigation into the
competitive effects of the proposed transaction. As part of this
investigation, the Department obtained substantial documents and
information from the merging parties and issued numerous Civil
Investigative Demands to third parties. In response, the Department
received and considered more than 2.5 million pages of material. The
Department conducted approximately 150 interviews with customers,
hospitals and physician groups, insurance companies, and other
individuals with knowledge of the industry.
After conducting a detailed analysis of the acquisition, the
Department concluded that the combination of United and Sierra likely
would substantially lessen competition in the Las Vegas, Nevada area
(consisting of Clark and Nye Counties, Nevada) in a product market no
broader than the sale of Medicare Advantage health-insurance plans to
senior citizens and other Medicare-eligible individuals. As defined by
federal law, Medicare Advantage plans consist of Medicare Advantage
health maintenance organization plans (``MA-HMO''), Medicare Advantage
preferred provider organization plans (``MA-PPO''), and Medicare
Advantage private fee-for-service plans (``MA-PFFS''). See 42 U.S.C.
1395w-21(a)(2). United and Sierra together would have accounted for
approximately 94 percent of the total enrollment in Medicare Advantage
plans in the Las Vegas area, which accounts for approximately $840
million in annual commerce. United markets and sells its Medicare
Advantage products under the Secure Horizons and AARP brands. Sierra
markets and sells its Medicare Advantage products under the Senior
Dimensions, Sierra Spectrum, Sierra Nevada Spectrum, and Sierra Optima
Select brands.
As more fully explained in the CIS, the Stipulation and proposed
Final Judgment in this case are designed to preserve competition in the
sale of Medicare Advantage health-insurance plans in the Las Vegas area
by requiring United to divest its individual Medicare Advantage line of
business in the Las Vegas area. The Stipulation and proposed Final
Judgment also require United to take several steps to assist the
acquirer in providing prompt and effective competition in the Medicare
Advantage market, including assisting the acquirer to enter into
agreements that will allow members of United's Medicare Advantage plans
to have continued access to substantially all of United's provider
network of physicians, hospitals, ancillary service providers, and
other health care providers on terms no less favorable than United's
existing agreements. United must also provide transition support
services for medical-claims
[[Page 49835]]
processing, appeals and grievances, call-center support, enrollment and
eligibility services, access to form templates, pharmacy services,
disease management, Medicare risk-adjustment services, quality-
assurance services, and such other services as are reasonably necessary
for the acquirer to operate the Divestiture Assets.
On February 25, 2008, United and Humana Health Plan Inc.
(``Humana'') signed an agreement providing for Humana to purchase
United's Las Vegas Medicare Advantage line of business for
approximately $185 million. After receiving approval from the Centers
for Medicare and Medicaid Services (``CMS'') and the Nevada Division of
Insurance, Humana completed the acquisition of United's Las Vegas
Medicare Advantage line of business on May 1, 2008. In the Department's
judgment, the divestiture of United's Las Vegas Medicare Advantage line
of business to Humana, along with the other requirements contained in
the Stipulation and proposed Final Judgment, are sufficient to
eliminate the anticompetitive effects identified in the Complaint.
II. Standard of Judicial Review
Upon the publication of the Comment and this Response, the United
States will have fully complied with the Tunney Act and will move for
entry of the proposed Final Judgment as being ``in the public
interest'' 15 U.S.C. 16(e)(l), as amended.
The Tunney Act states that, in making that determination, the Court
shall consider:
(A) the competitive impact of such judgment, including
termination of alleged violations, provisions for enforcement and
modification, duration of relief sought, anticipated effects of
alternative remedies actually considered, whether its terms are
ambiguous, and any other competitive considerations bearing upon the
adequacy of such judgment that the court deems necessary to a
determination of whether the consent judgment is in the public
interest; and
(B) the impact of entry of such judgment upon competition in the
relevant market or markets, upon the public generally and
individuals alleging specific injury from the violations set forth
in the complaint including consideration of the public benefit, if
any, to be derived from a determination of the issues at trial.
15 U.S.C. 16(e)(1)(A)-(B); see generally United States v. AT&T Inc.,
541 F. Supp. 2d 2, 6 n.3 (D.D.C. 2008) (listing factors that the Court
must consider when making the public-interest determination); United
States v. SBC Commc'ns, Inc., 489 F. Supp. 2d 1, 11 (D.D.C. 2007)
(concluding that the 2004 amendments to the Tunney Act ``effected
minimal changes'' to scope of review under the Tunney Act, leaving
review ``sharply proscribed by precedent and the nature of Tunney Act
proceedings'').\2\
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\2\ The 2004 amendments substituted ``shall'' for ``may'' in
directing relevant factors for courts to consider and amended the
list of factors to focus on competitive considerations and to
address potentially ambiguous judgment terms. Compare 15 U.S.C.
Sec. 16(e) (2004), with 15 U.S.C. Sec. 16(e)(1) (2006).
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As the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia
Circuit has held, under the APPA, a court considers, among other
things, the relationship between the remedy secured and the specific
allegations set forth in the government's complaint, whether the decree
is sufficiently clear, whether enforcement mechanisms are sufficient,
and whether the decree may positively harm third parties. See United
States v. Microsoft Corp., 56 F.3d 1448, 1458-62 (D.C. Cir. 1995). With
respect to the adequacy of the relief secured by the decree, a court
may not ``engage in an unrestricted evaluation of what relief would
best serve the public.'' United States v. BNS, Inc., 858 F.2d 456, 462
(9th Cir. 1988) (citing United States v. Bechtel Corp., 648 F.2d 660,
666 (9th Cir. 1981)); see also Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1460-62. Courts
have held that:
[t]he balancing of competing social and political interests
affected by a proposed antitrust consent decree must be left, in the
first instance, to the discretion of the Attorney General. The
court's role in protecting the public interest is one of insuring
that the government has not breached its duty to the public in
consenting to the decree. The court is required to determine not
whether a particular decree is the one that will best serve society,
but whether the settlement is ``within the reaches of the public
interest.'' More elaborate requirements might undermine the
effectiveness of antitrust enforcement by consent decree.
Bechtel, 648 F.2d at 666 (emphasis added) (citations omitted). Cf. BNS,
858 F.2d at 464 (holding that the court's ``ultimate authority under
the [APPA] is limited to approving or disapproving the consent
decree''); United States v. Gillette Co., 406 F. Supp. 713, 716 (D.
Mass. 1975) (noting that, in this way, the court is constrained to
``look at the overall picture not hypercritically, nor with a
microscope, but with an artist's reducing glass''). See generally
Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1461 (discussing whether ``the remedies [obtained
in the decree are] so inconsonant with the allegations charged as to
fall outside of the `reaches of the public interest' '').
The government is entitled to broad discretion to settle with
defendants within the reaches of the public interest. AT&T Inc., 541 F.
Supp. 2d at 6. In making its public-interest determination, a district
court ``must accord deference to the government's predictions about the
efficacy of its remedies, and may not require that the remedies
perfectly match the alleged violations.'' SBC Commc'ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d
at 17; see also Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1461 (noting the need for courts
to be ``deferential to the government's predictions as to the effect of
the proposed remedies''); United States v. Archer-Daniels-Midland Co.,
272 F. Supp. 2d 1, 6 (D.D.C. 2003) (noting that the court should grant
due respect to the United States' prediction as to the effect of
proposed remedies, its perception of the market structure, and its
views of the nature of the case).
Court approval of a consent decree requires a standard more
flexible and less strict than that appropriate to court adoption of a
litigated decree following a finding of liability. ``[A] proposed
decree must be approved even if it falls short of the remedy the court
would impose on its own, as long as it falls within the range of
acceptability or is `within the reaches of public interest.' '' United
States v. Am. Tel. & Tel. Co., 552 F. Supp. 131, 151 (D.D.C. 1982)
(citations omitted) (quoting United States v. Gillette Co., 406 F.
Supp. 713, 716 (D. Mass. 1975)), aff'd sub nom. Maryland v. United
States, 460 U.S. 1001 (1983); see also United States v. Alcan Aluminum
Ltd., 605 F. Supp. 619, 622 (W.D. Ky. 1985) (approving the consent
decree even though the court would have imposed a greater remedy). To
meet this standard, the United States ``need only provide a factual
basis for concluding that the settlements are reasonably adequate
remedies for the alleged harms.'' SBC Commc'ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 17.
Moreover, the Court's role under the APPA is limited to reviewing
the remedy in relationship to the violations that the United States has
alleged in its complaint, rather than to ``construct [its] own
hypothetical case and then evaluate the decree against that case.''
Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1459. Because the ``court's authority to review
the decree depends entirely on the government's exercising its
prosecutorial discretion by bringing a case in the first place,'' it
follows that ``the court is only authorized to review the decree
itself,'' and not to ``effectively redraft the complaint'' to inquire
into other matters that the United States did not pursue. Id. at 1459-
60. As this Court recently confirmed in SBC Communications,
[[Page 49836]]
courts ``cannot look beyond the complaint in making the public interest
determination unless the complaint is drafted so narrowly as to make a
mockery of judicial power.'' SBC Commc'ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 15.
In its 2004 amendments to the Tunney Act, Congress made clear its
intent to preserve the practical benefits of utilizing consent decrees
in antitrust enforcement, adding the unambiguous instruction that
``[n]othing in this section shall be construed to require the court to
conduct an evidentiary hearing or to require the court to permit anyone
to intervene.'' 15 U.S.C. 16(e)(2). The amendments codified what
Congress intended when it passed the Tunney Act in 1974, as Senator
Tunney then explained: ``[t]he court is nowhere compelled to go to
trial or to engage in extended proceedings which might have the effect
of vitiating the benefits of prompt and less costly settlement through
the consent decree process.'' 119 Cong. Rec. 24,598 (1973) (statement
of Senator Tunney). Rather, the procedure for the public-interest
determination is left to the discretion of the court, with the
recognition that the court's ``scope of review remains sharply
proscribed by precedent and the nature of Tunney Act proceedings.'' SBC
Commc'ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 11.\3\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\3\ See United States v. Enova Corp., 107 F. Supp. 2d 10, 17
(D.D.C. 2000) (noting that the ``Tunney Act expressly allows the
court to make its public interest determination on the basis of the
competitive impact statement and response to comments alone'');
United States v. Mid-Am. Dairymen, Inc., 1977-1 Trade Cas. (CCH) ]
61,508, at 71,980 (W.D. Mo. 1977) (``Absent a showing of corrupt
failure of the government to discharge its duty, the Court, in
making its public interest finding, should * * * carefully consider
the explanations of the government in the competitive impact
statement and its responses to comments in order to determine
whether those explanations are reasonable under the
circumstances.''); S. Rep. No. 93-298, 93d Cong., 1st Sess., at 6
(1973) (``Where the public interest can be meaningfully evaluated
simply on the basis of briefs and oral arguments, that is the
approach that should be utilized.'').
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
III. Summary of Public Comments and the United States' Response
During the 60-day comment period, the United States received
comments from the Service Employees International Union Local 1107 (the
``SEIU comment''), the American Medical Association, Nevada State
Medical Association, and the Clark County Medical Society
(collectively, the ``AMA comment''), the Honorable Nydia M. Velazquez,
Chairwoman, United States House of Representatives Committee on Small
Business (the ``Velazquez comment''), and the Honorable Chris
Giunchigliani, Commissioner, Board of Commissioners--Clark County,
Nevada (the ``Giunchigliani comment''). Those comments are attached to
this Response.
After reviewing the comments, the United States has determined that
the proposed Final Judgment remains in the public interest. The
commenters raise two main concerns: (A) that the United States should
have alleged and remedied harm to competition in additional product
markets other than the Medicare Advantage market alleged in the United
States' Complaint and (B) that the proposed Final Judgment does not
adequately remedy the harms to competition alleged in the Complaint.
The United States addresses these concerns below.
A. Comments That the United States Should Have Alleged and Remedied
Additional Competitive Concerns
1. Summary of Comments
Each of the commenters argue that the United States should have
alleged and remedied competitive concerns that are not addressed in the
Complaint in this matter. They argue that the United States should have
pursued a case of harm to competition in a commercial health-insurance
market in Clark County, Nevada. (AMA comment at 12; SEIU comment at 4;
Velazquez comment at 3; Giunchigliani comment at 1-2). The commenters
also express concern that the United-Sierra merger will harm
competition in the sale of various types of commercial health
insurance, such as the provision of HMO policies, HMO and PPO policies,
and the provision of commercial insurance to employers with 50 or fewer
employees. (AMA comment at 12; SEIU comment at 4; Velazquez comment at
4; Giunchigliani comment at 1).
The AMA and Velazquez also argue that the United States should have
alleged that the transaction would harm physicians and sought an
appropriate remedy. They maintain that the merged company will control
a sufficient share of the purchases for physicians services in Clark
County such that the merged company will be able to reduce payments to
physicians below competitive levels. (AMA comment at 5; Velazquez
comment at 4). Similarly, the SEIU argues that the merged company will
control a sufficient share of purchases of hospital services such that
the merged company will be able unilaterally to reduce reimbursement
rates to hospitals. (SEIU comment at 4). The SEIU argues that such
lower reimbursement rates to hospitals will result in higher patient-
to-nurse ratios and place patient safety and quality of care in
jeopardy. (SEIU comment at 3-4).
2. The United States' Response
The comments that the United States should have alleged harm to
competition for the sale of various types of health insurance or for
the purchase of physician or hospital services, which are not addressed
in the Complaint, are outside the scope of this APPA proceeding. The
Department's decision to allege a harm in a specific market is based on
a case-by-case analysis that varies depending on the particular
circumstances of each product and geographic market The Department
investigated the transaction's potential competitive effects on each of
the types of health insurance identified by the commentators, and on
the purchase of physician and hospital services, and concluded that it
should not allege harm in these markets. As explained by this Court, in
a Tunney Act proceeding, the district court should not second-guess the
prosecutorial decisions of the Department regarding the nature of the
claims brought in the first instance; ``rather, the court is to compare
the complaint filed by the United States with the proposed consent
decree and determine whether the proposed decree clearly and
effectively addresses the [anticompetitive harms initially
identified.'' United States v. Thomson Corp., 949 F. Supp 907, 913
(D.D.C. 1996); accord, Microsoft, 56 F.3d at 1459 (in APPA proceeding,
``district court is not empowered to review the actions or behavior of
the Department of Justice; the court is only authorized to review the
decree itself''); BNS, 858 F.2d at 462-63 (``the APPA does not
authorize a district court to base its public interest determination on
antitrust concerns in markets other than those alleged in the
government's complaint''). This court has held that ``a district court
is not permitted to ``reach beyond the complaint to evaluate claims
that the government did not make and to inquire as to why they were not
made.' '' SBC Commc'ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 14 (quoting Microsoft, 56
F.3d at 1459) (emphasis in original). Nor does the fact that the State
of Nevada obtained terms of settlement different from those obtained by
the United States alter the ordinary Tunney Act standard of review.
The AMA's contention that the 2004 Amendments to the Tunney Act
overruled precedent in this court and require a more extensive review
of the United States' exercise of its prosecutorial judgment conflicts
with this Court's holding in SBC Communications, supra. (AMA
[[Page 49837]]
comment at 4). In SBC Communications, this Court held that ``a close
reading of the law demonstrates that the 2004 amendments effected
minimal changes, and that this Court's scope of review remains sharply
proscribed by precedent and the nature of [APPA] proceedings.'' SBC
Commc'ns, 489 F. Supp. 2d at 11. This Court continued that because
``review [under the 2004 amendments] is focused on the `judgment,' it
again appears that the Court cannot go beyond the scope of the
complaint.'' Id. The 2004 amendments to the APPA, as interpreted and
applied by this Court in SBC Communications, require the Court to
evaluate the effect of the ``judgment upon competition'' in a Medicare
Advantage market in the Las Vegas area. 15 U.S.C.16(e)(1)(b). Because
the United States did not allege that the United's acquisition of
Sierra would cause harm in additional markets, it is not appropriate
for the Court to seek to determine whether the acquisition will cause
anticompetitive harm in such markets.
B. Comment That the Proposed Final Judgment Does Not Adequately Address
the Harms to Competition Alleged in the Complaint
1. Summary of Comment
The AMA states that the remedies in the proposed Final Judgment are
inadequate to maintain competition in the sale of Medicare Advantage
health-insurance plans in the Las Vegas area. (AMA comment at 13). The
AMA argues in its comment that the proposed Final Judgment should
include five additional remedies: (1) A permanent injunction on
United's use of ``most-favored-nations'' clauses in healthcare-provider
contracts; (2) a permanent injunction on United's use of ``all-
products'' clauses in healthcare-provider contracts; (3) a divestiture
of United's commercial health-insurance business in Clark County; (4) a
requirement that United convey the use of certain trademarks to the
acquirer of the Medicare Advantage line of business for at least five
years; and (5) the immediate use of a monitoring trustee to ensure
compliance with the proposed Final Judgment. (AMA comment at 13-15).
2. The United States' Response
The additional remedies proposed by the AMA are not necessary to
ensure that competition will remain in the market alleged in the
Complaint. Rather, the proposed Final Judgment is in the public
interest because it is properly designed to eliminate the
anticompetitive effects alleged in the Complaint. First, the proposed
Final Judgment requires United to divest its entire individual Medicare
Advantage line of business in the Las Vegas area to an acquirer
approved by the United States and on terms acceptable to the United
States. This line of business covers approximately 25,800 individual
Medicare Advantage beneficiaries. As described in Section IV of the
proposed Final Judgment, United is required to divest all tangible and
intangible assets dedicated to the administration, operation, selling,
and marketing of its Medicare Advantage plans to individuals in the Las
Vegas area (``the Divestiture Assets''), including all of United's
rights and obligations under the relevant United contracts with CMS.
Thus, the acquirer will have the benefit of entering the Medicare
Advantage market with United's entire individual Medicare Advantage
line of business.
Second, the Stipulation and Sections IV(A) and (B) of the proposed
Final Judgment required United to divest the Divestiture Assets within
the shortest time period reasonable under the circumstances. A quick
divestiture has the benefits of maintaining competition that would
otherwise be lost in the acquisition and reducing the possibility of
dissipation of the value of the assets while the sale is pending. Per
these requirements, United divested the Divestiture Assets to Humana on
May 1, 2008.
Third, the divestiture eliminates the anticompetitive effects of
the merger by requiring United to divest the Divestiture Assets to an
acquirer that can compete vigorously with the merged United-Sierra. The
United States approved Humana as the acquirer of the Divestiture Assets
because Humana is well positioned to be a strong competitor in the
Medicare Advantage market in the Las Vegas area. Humana is an
established health-insurance competitor with total annual revenue of
$26 billion and a market capitalization of $8.3 billion. Humana is the
second largest provider of Medicare Advantage plans in the nation after
United. The company has 1.27 million Medicare Advantage enrollees
nationwide. In the United States' judgment, Humana has the intent and
capability (including the necessary managerial, operational, technical,
and financial capability) to compete effectively in the sale of
Medicare Advantage products, and the asset purchase agreements between
United and Humana do not give United the ability to interfere with
Humana's ability to compete effectively.
Fourth, the proposed Final Judgment requires Defendants to assist
the acquirer in providing prompt and effective competition in the
Medicare Advantage market and uninterrupted care to subscribers of
United's Medicare Advantage plans by mandating that the Defendants
adhere to the following requirements:
Section IV(F) requires the Defendants to assist the
acquirer to enter into an agreement with HealthCare Partners, LLC
(``HealthCare Partners'') that will allow members of United's Medicare
Advantage plans to have continued access to substantially all of
United's provider network of physicians, hospitals, ancillary service
providers, and other health care providers on terms no less favorable
than United's pre-existing agreement with HealthCare Partners.
Section IV(J) requires that, at the acquirer's option, and
subject to approval by the United States, Defendants provide transition
support services for medical claims processing, appeals and grievances,
call-center support, enrollment and eligibility services, access to
form templates, pharmacy services, disease management, Medicare risk-
adjustment services, quality-assurance services, and such other
transition services that are reasonably necessary for the acquirer to
operate the Divestiture Assets.
Section IV(G) of the proposed Final Judgment prohibits
United, until March 31, 2010, from entering into agreements with
healthcare providers who, prior to the transaction, participated in
United's Medicare Advantage network, but did not participate in
Sierra's.
Sections IV(F) and (G) collectively ensure that Humana,
but not the Defendants, will have access to these healthcare providers,
which places Humana in the same competitive position with respect to
the merged company as United was in with respect to Sierra prior to the
merger of United and Sierra.
Section IV(H) prohibits United from using the AARP brand
for any of its individual Medicare Advantage plans in the Las Vegas
area until March 31, 2009, and from using the SecureHorizons brands for
any individual Medicare Advantage plans in the Las Vegas area until
March 31, 2010. The Department has determined that Section IV(H) will
give Humana sufficient time to establish its own brand in the Las Vegas
area so that it can effectively compete for the provision of Medicare
Advantage plans and reduce beneficiary confusion as to which company
operates the Medicare Advantage plan in which the beneficiary is
enrolled.
In short, the United States has determined that the remedies in the
proposed Final Judgment are sufficient to allow Humana to be an
effective
[[Page 49838]]
competitor and maintain competition in the Las Vegas Medicare Advantage
market. As the United States now explains, the additional remedies that
the AMA suggests are not needed to preserve the public interest.
a. Most-Favored-Nations Clauses
The AMA states that the proposed Final Judgment should permanently
enjoin United from using ``most-favored-nations'' (``MFN'') clauses in
its contracts with healthcare-providers. (AMA comment at 13). As
explained in the affidavit of Professor David Dranove, submitted by the
AMA, an MFN clause would require a healthcare provider to offer United
rates no less favorable than those offered to other insurers. (AMA
comment, Attachment A at 8.) MFNs may be anticompetitive or
procompetitive, depending on the circumstances. Federal Trade Comm'n &
U.S. Dept. of Justice, Improving Health Care: A Dose of Competition
(Jul. 2004), ch. 6, p. 20, available at https://www.usdoj.gov/atr/
public/health_care/204694.htm. MFN clauses may harm competition by,
for example, discouraging healthcare providers from aggressively
discounting to competing insurers who might be seeking to enter or
expand in a market. Id.
It is not necessary to prohibit United from using MFN clauses to
ensure that Humana can compete and maintain the premerger level of
competition in Medicare Advantage plans. Pursuant to Section IV(F) of
the proposed Final Judgment, on February 29, 2008, Humana entered into
an agreement that gives Humana access to United's existing provider
network of physicians, hospitals, ancillary service providers, and
other healthcare providers on comparable terms to those enjoyed by
United at the time of the acquisition. Accordingly, United could not
use MFN clauses to attempt to prevent Humana from competing in the
Medicare Advantage market. Of course, the United States remains free to
challenge arty anticompetitive conduct of United, including MFN
clauses, that the United States determines harm competition.
b. All-products Clauses
The AMA states that the proposed Final Judgment should permanently
enjoin United's use of ``all-products'' clauses in healthcare-provider
contracts. (AMA comment at 13.) An all products clause is a contractual
provision that requires a physician or other healthcare provider to
agree to participate in the networks for every one of a health-
insurance company's products (e.g., commercial health insurance and
Medicare Advantage) as a condition for participating in the network of
any one of that health-insurance company's products.
The AMA does not make clear how a prohibition on United's use of
all-products clauses would help maintain competition in a Medicare
Advantage market. (AMA comment at 13.) The AMA comment refers to the
affidavit of Professor David Dranove, submitted by the AMA, for an
explanation of how all-products clauses can be anticompetitive. (AMA
comment, Attachment A at 8.) Although Professor Dranove states in his
affidavit that the proposed Final Judgment should prohibit all-products
clauses to remedy harm in a market for the purchase of physician
services, the Complaint did not allege or identify competitive harm in
such a market. (Attachment A at 8.) To the extent that the AMA
advocates a prohibition on all-products clauses to remedy harm in a
market for the purchase of physician services, such remedies are
outside the scope of this APPA proceeding as discussed in Section
III.A. of this Response.
c. United's Commercial Health-insurance Business in Clark County
The AMA argues that the proposed Final Judgment should require
United to divest its commercial health-insurance business in the Las
Vegas area in addition to United's Medicare Advantage line of business
because a Medicare Advantage business operating without a commercial
component ``faces a significant risk of failure.'' (AMA comment at 13.)
The AMA asserts that ``[t]here are significant economies of scope and
scale that exist when both commercial and Medicare Advantage businesses
are combined'' Id. The AMA, however, does not identify what these
economies of scope and scale are nor why their absence creates a risk
of failure.
The United States has considered this issue and concluded that
Humana has the resources needed to effectively compete for the
provision of Medicare Advantage plans in the Las Vegas area. Further,
even assuming that there are benefits to providing both commercial and
Medicare Advantage products, Section IV(F) of the proposed Final
Judgment addresses this concern by ensuring that Humana has access to
United's existing healthcare provider network on terms no less
favorable than United's premerger terms. That provision and the other
provisions of the proposed Final Judgment ensure that Humana will have
a cost structure similar to United's premerger cost structure and be an
effective competitor that maintains competition in the Las Vegas
Medicare Advantage market.
d. Use of Certain Trademarks
The AMA argues that the acquirer of the Divestiture Assets should
have use of certain United trademarks (AMA comment at 13-14). Section
IV(H) of the proposed Final Judgment prohibits United from using the
AARP brand for any of its individual Medicare Advantage plans in the
Las Vegas area until March 31, 2009, and from using the SecureHorizons
brands for any individual Medicare Advantage plans in the Las Vegas
area until March 31, 2010. The AMA argues that the United States should
extend these provisions to last at least five years because
``trademarks are of particular importance to continue to secure
customer loyalty.'' (AMA comment at 13-14.)
The AMA, however, does not provide any facts to support its
assertion that a longer prohibition period on United's use of the AARP
and SecurdHorizons brands is necessary to allow Humana to be an
effective competitor and maintain competition in the Las Vegas Medicare
Advantage market. In the United States' judgment based on a review of
the terms for the sale of the Divestiture Assets, its assessment of
Humana's capabilities, and its investigation of the Las Vegas Medicare
Advantage market, the brand prohibitions in the proposed Final Judgment
are reasonable in light of their intended purpose--to give Humana time
to establish its own brand in the Las Vegas area and reduce beneficiary
confusion as to which company operates the plan in which the
beneficiary is enrolled. See SBC Commc'ns, 489 F Supp. 2d at 17 (a
district court ``must accord deference to the government's predictions
about the efficacy of its remedies'').
e. Use of a Monitoring Trustee
The AMA argues that the proposed Final Judgment should require the
immediate use of a monitoring trustee to ensure United's compliance
with the proposed Final Judgment (AMA comment at 15). Section V of the
proposed Final Judgment allows the United States, in its sole
discretion and subject to approval by the Court, to appoint a
monitoring trustee that would have the power to monitor Defendants'
compliance with the terms of the proposed Final Judgment. Section V(H)
of the proposed Final Judgment provides that, if a monitoring trustee
is appointed, it shall serve until United has divested the Divestiture
Assets and any agreements for transition support services have expired.
[[Page 49839]]
In the United States' judgment, the immediate use of a monitoring
trustee is not necessary to ensure United's compliance with the
proposed Final Judgment for at least three reasons. First, United has
already complied with many of the provisions of the proposed Final
Judgment. United has completed the divestiture of the Divestiture
Assets and assisted Humana in entering into an agreement with
HealthCare Partners that gives Humana access to healthcare providers on
terms no less favorable than United's pre-existing agreement with
HealthCare Partners. In addition, Humana and United have entered into a
transition services agreement as contemplated by Section IV(J) of the
Final Judgment. Second, the United States has reviewed the Humana-
United transition services agreement and concluded that the agreement
provides Humana with contractual rights such that a monitoring trustee
is not currently necessary to ensure United's compliance with the terms
of that agreement. Third, should United fail to comply with the terms
of the transition support agreement, the United States remains free to
appoint a monitoring trustee, subject to the Court's approval.
IV. Conclusion
The issues raised in the four public comments were among the many
considered during the United States' extensive and thorough
investigation. The United States has determined that the proposed Final
Judgment as drafted provides an effective and appropriate remedy for
the antitrust violations alleged in the Complaint, and is therefore in
the public interest. The United States will move this Court to enter
the proposed Final Judgment after the comments and this response are
published in the Federal Register.
Dated: July 7, 2008.
Respectfully Submitted,
Peter J. Mucchetti (D.C. Bar 463202), Mitchell H. Glende,
Natalie A. Rosenfelt,
Trial Attorneys, Litigation I Section--Antitrust Division, United
States Department of Justice; 1401 H Street NW, Suite 4000, Washington,
DC 20530,(202) 353-4211, (202) 307-5802 (facsimile).
In the matter of: In the United States District Court for the
District of Columbia; United States of America, Plaintiff, v.
Unitedhealth Group Incorporated and Sierra Health Services, Inc.,
Defendants.
Judge: Ellen S. Huvelle.
Filed: 2/25/2008
[Civil No. I:08-cv-00322]
Tunney Act Comments of SEIU Local 1107 on the Proposed Remedy in United
Health Group Inc.'s Acquisition of Sierra Health Services Inc.
The Service Employees International Union (``SEIU'') Local 1107
provides these comments on the proposed final judgment in United Health
Group Inc.'s (``United Health'') acquisition of Sierra Health Services
Inc. (``Sierra''). As described herein the SEIU believes the proposed
remedy in this matter is inadequate and unlikely to prevent the
substantial anticompetitive effects raised by the merger. As we explain
below, the proposed merger is likely to reduce competition
substantially in numerous markets, including the delivery of healthcare
at hospitals. By creating a dominant health insurer in Clark County.
Nevada, the merger will enable UnitedHealthcare to substantially lower
reimbursements to hospitals. which, as demonstrated below, will
ultimately harm patient care. We believe this provided a substantial
basis for the Antitrust Division, Department of Justice (``DOJ'') to
challenge the merger under Section 7 of the Clayton Act, and contend
that DOJ's decision to enter into the consent decree was in error. We
respectfully request that the proposed consent decree is rejected and
the Department of Justice sue to enjoin the merger.
The SEIU is an organization of more than 1.9 million members united
by the belief in the dignity and worth of workers and the services they
provide. SEIU is the nation's largest union of health care workers
representing over 900,000 caregivers and hospital employees, including
110,000 nurses and 40,000 doctors in public, private, and non-profit
medical institutions. SEIU is dedicated to improving the lives of all
workers and their families. In Nevada, SEIU Local 1107 represents more
than 17,000 registered nurses, health care workers and public employees
dedicated to improving the lives of workers, their families and their
communities. Our members have chosen to dedicate their lives to serving
the public, and provide the first line of health care service to
thousands of patients in hospitals in Nevada. In that role we
experience first hand how health insurance consolidation can harm
consumers by restricting the ability of all health care providers to
provide high quality health care. Ultimately, when health insurers
acquire and exploit their power patients and health care workers
suffer.
The SEIU submits these comments on the Proposed Final Judgment
(``PFJ'') pursuant to the Antitrust Procedures and Penalties Act. 15
U.S.C. 16(b-e) (known as the ``Tunney Act''). The Tunney Act requires
that ``[b]efore entering any consent judgment proposed by the United
States * * *, the court shall determine that the entry of such judgment
is in the public interest., 16 U.S.C. 15(e)(1). In applying this
``public interest'' standard the burden is on the government to
``provide a factual basis for concluding that the settlements are
reasonably adequate remedies for the alleged harms.'' United States v.
SBC, 489 F.Supp.2d 1, 16 (D.D.C. 2007), citing United States v.
Microsoft Corp., 56 F.3rd 1448, 1460-61 D.C.Cir, 1995).
The Court plays a vital role in determining the proposed decree
fulfills the public interest. As Judge Greene observed in approving the
AT&T settlement:
[i]t does not follow * * * that courts must unquestionably
accept a proffered decree as long as it somehow, and however
inadequately, deals with the antitrust and other public policy
problems implicated in the lawsuit. To do so would be to revert to
the ``rubber stamp'' role which was at the crux of the congressional
concerns when the Tunney Act became law.
U.S. v American Telephone and Telegraph, 552 F.Supp. 131, 151
(D.D.C. 1982), aff'd sub nom., Maryland v. U.S., 460 U.S. 1001 (1983).
As detailed below, SE1U believes that the PFJ fails to meet the
public interest standard. This merger will lead to an unprecedented
level of consolidation and will create a dominant health insurer in
Clark County. which is the largest county in Nevada and where Las Vegas
is located. Allowing one health insurance company this kind of market
control will harm the quality of care patients will receive in
hospitals and further weaken the fragile health care system in Clark
County. In particular, the merger will
jeopardize patient safety and quality of care by reducing
payments to hospitals;
jeopardize the health care safety net;
have a particularly adverse effect on rural hospitals;
and, increase the number of uninsured and harm the
delivery of care to the elderly.
I. The Merger Will Result in Dangerously High Nurse to Patient Staffing
Ratios, Placing Patient Safety and Quality of Care in Jeopardy
The impact of the acquisition of Sierra by UnitedHealth on the
quality of care in hospitals will be severe. This merger will lead to
an unprecedented level of concentration, In the Clark County HMO
[[Page 49840]]
market UnitedHealth's market share will increase from 14% to 94%. If
PPOs are included, UnitedHealth's market share increases from 9% to
60%. Even with the divestiture of the United Medicare Advarnage
business as included in the PFJ. UnitedHealth's market share is over
50%. With such a dominant position UnitedHealth will be able to reduce
reimbursement rates to hospitals unilaterally. Simply, hospitals will
be unable to reject a ``take it or leave it'' offer from UnitedHealth.
When hospitals are forced to reduce reimbursement rates, the
delivery of health care suffers. Reduced reimbursement leads to cut
backs in services, less investment in equipment, and lower staffing
levels. While these Comments will focus on the impact on nurses and, in
turn, the impacts on patient care, these concerns are illustrative of
the type of competitive problems that will arise overall from the
reduction of compensation of reimbursement to hospitals.
Reductions in reimbursement force hospitals to reduce their
expenses. Staff is the largest expense for hospitals, and Registered
Nurses (``RNs'') represent hospitals' single largest labor expense. In
Southern Nevada in particular, salaries and benefits represent 48.0% of
total operating expenses,\1\ and RNs comprise 76.9% of the hospital
workforce.\2\ Therefore, if hospitals are forced to accept low
reimbursement rates, they will look to recoup their losses by cutting
costs in the most logical place--their RN staff.\3\ The result can be
dangerously high patient-to-nurse staffing ratios.
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\1\ Hospital Quarterly Reports. Calendar Year 2006 Summary
Financial Report. Table A07 ``Operating Expenses'' and Table A08
``Other Operating Expenses.'' Utilization and Financial Reports.
Center for Health Information Analysis. University of Nevada Las
Vegas. https://www.unlv.edu/Research_Centers/chia/NHQR/Financial/
NHQR_Financial_OutputCY2006%200822.xls (Retrieved on October 15.
2007).
\2\ Hospital Quarterly Reports. Calendar Year 2006 Summary
Utilization Reports. Table F02 ``FTE Hospital Hours'' Utilization
and Financial Reports. Center for Health Information Analysis.
University of Nevada Las Vegas. https://www.unlv.edu/Research_
Centers/chia/NHQR/Utilization/NHQR_Utilization_Output_
CY2006%200702.xls (Retrieved on October 15. 2007).
\3\ Kosel, Keith and Tom Olivo. ``The Business Case for Work
Force Stability.'' VHA Research Series, 2002.
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The detrimental impact of a high patient-to-nurse ratio on patient
safety and quality of care has been amply demonstrated in several
markets by a recent set of academic studies, A comprehensive study
conducted in 2002 and published in the Journal of the American Medical
Association found that the risk of death increases by 7% for every
patient in a nurse's care above a 4:1 patient to nurse ration, and
increases by 16% when that ratio increases to 6:1; the study also
concluded, most significantly, that there is 31% greater risk of dying
in hospitals that force a single nurse to care for eight or more
patients.\4\ Moreover, according to a report by the Joint Commission,
Health Care at the Crossroads: Strategies for Addressing the Evolving
Nurse Crisis, understaffing is a contributing factor in 24% of sentinel
events (unexpected occurrences that result in death or serious
injury).\5\ Indeed, patients in hospitals with fewer intensive care
unit (``ICU'') nurses are more likely to suffer from complications
after surgery and to have a longer length of stay in the hospital than
patients in hospitals with a greater number of ICU nurses. It is also
worth noting that patients are not the only ones who suffer harm to
their health as a result of short-staffing: nurses are two to three
times more likely to have a needle-stick injury in hospitals with low
nurse staffing levels.\6\
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\4\ Aiken. Linda H.; Clarke, Sean P.; Sloane, Douglas M.;
Sochalski, Julie; Silber, Jeffrey H. ``Hospital Nurse Staffing and
Patient Mortality, Nurse Burnout, and Job Dissatisfaction.'' Journal
of the American Medical Association, 10/23/2002, Vol. 288 Issue 16.
\5\ Joint Commission on Accreditation of Health Care
Organizations. ``Health Care at the Crossroads: Strategies for
Addressing the Evolving Nurse Crisis.'' 2003. https://
www.jointcommission.org/NR/rdonlyres/5C138711-ED76-4D6F-909F-
B06E0309F36D/0/health_care_at_the_crossroads.pdf (Retrieved on
3/6/07.)
\6\ Id.
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Studies have also demonstrated that there can be better health care
outcomes with adequate staffing levels. A recent study estimated that
6,700 in-hospital patient deaths could he avoided by increasing nurse
staffing levels. The study further concluded that simply increasing
nurse staffing levels would result in approximately 70,000 fewer
adverse outcomes, including decreases in urinary tract infections,
pneumonia and shock or cardiac arrest.\7\
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\7\ Needleman, Jack, Peter I. Buerhaus, Maureen Stewart, Katya
Zelevinsky and Soeren Mattke. ``Nurse Stafling in Hospitals: Is
there a Business Case for Quality?'' Health Affairs, Vol. 25. No. 1.
January/February 2006.
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Nurses in Nevada are already forced to work with dangerously high
nurse-to-patient ratios. In 2000. Nevada ranked last among the states
in RNs per capita and in per capita health services employment.\8\ In
2005 Nevada ranked 49th among the states in per capita registered
nurses, with only 579 RNs for every 100,000 residents, which is far
below the national average of 799 RNs per 100,000 residents.\9\ The RN-
to-population ratios are higher in the northern part of the state and
lower in Clark County. Although the number of registered nurses in
Nevada has grown steadily, it has not kept pace with the state's
population growth.\10\ The average number of newly-minted RNs over the
last five years has only been 1,264.\11\ However, over the last three
years, Nevada's population increased by 11.4%.\12\
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\8\ U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Health
Resources and Services Administration, Bureau of Health Professions.
``State Health Workforce Profiles Highlights: Nevada. https://
bhpr.hrsa.gov/healthworkforce/reports/statesummaries/nevada.htm
(Last viewed 12/7/07).
\9\ Kaiser State Health Facts. Nevada. Providers & Service
Users. ``Nevada: Total Registered Nurses as of May 2005.'' https://
www.statehealthfacts.org/profileind.jsp?ind=438&cat=8&rgn=30 (last
viewed 12/7/07).
\10\ Packham, John, Tabor Griswold, Jake Burkey, Chris Lake.
2005 Survey of Licensed Registered Nurses in Nevada. November 2005.
https://www.nvha.net/papers/nursesurvey.pdf Last viewed on 12/8/07.
\11\ Nevada State Board of Nursing Annual Reports for years
ending June 30, 2001--June 30, 2005. Includes new licenses created
by examination and by endorsement.
\12\ U.S. Census Bureau. American Fact Finder. Population
Finder. ``Population for all Counties in Nevada, 2000 to 2006.''
https://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/GCTTable?_bm=y&-geo&--
id=0400US32&---box--head--nbr=GCT-T1&-ds--name-PEP--2006--EST&---
lang=en&-format=ST-2&-sse=on (Last viewed 12/7/07).
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Academic studies have shown that, much like the rest of the
country, the epidemic of nurse understaffing in Nevada is due not to a
shortage of registered nurses, but rather a shortage of registered
nurses willing to work under the current conditions in Nevada
hospitals. In 2000, active licenses were held by 12,900 registered
nurses in Nevada but only 10,400 were employed in nursing.\13\ In 2004
and 2005, Valley Hospital in Las Vegas reported that 206 registered
nurses left employment at the hospital (Valley Hospital has
approximately only 540 RNs employed at any given time).\14\ At Desert
Springs Hospital in Las Vegas, 137 registered nurses left employment in
2004 and 2005 (Desert Springs employs approximately only 290 RNs at any
given time).\15\ A case study of RNs in Nevada found that the number
one reason that RN graduates leave their first job is due to patient
care concerns such as unsafe patient ratios, not having
[[Page 49841]]
enough time to spend with patients, and working conditions that are not
conducive to safe patient care.\16\ Job dissatisfaction among hospital
nurses is four times greater than the average for all U.S. workers.
Forty percent of hospital nurses report burnout levels that exceed the
norm for health care workers and 1 in 5 hospital nurses intend to leave
their current jobs within a year. Job stress and dissatisfaction
increase when nurses are taking care of more patients. Each additional
patient over four per nurse is associated with a 23% chance of job
burnout and a 15% chance increase in odds of job dissatisfaction.\17\
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\13\ U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Health
Resources and Services Administration, Bureau of Health Professions.
``State Health Workforce Profiles Highlights: Nevada.'' https://
bhpr.hrsa.gov/healthworkforce/reports/statesummaries/nevada.htm
(Last viewed 12/7/07).
\14\ Data provided pursuant to collective bargaining information
request.
\15\ Data provided pursuant to collective bargaining information
request.
\16\ Bowles, Cheryl and Lori Candela. ``First Job Experiences of
Recent R.N. Graduates.'' Journal of Nursing Administration. 2005.
\17\ Aiken, Linda H., Sean P. Clarke, Douglas M. Stone, Julie
Sochalski and Jeffrey H. Silber. ``Hospital Nurse Staffing and
Patient Mortality, Nurse Burnout and Job Dissatisfaction.'' Journal
of the American Medical Association, Vol. 288. No. 16, 10/23/2002.
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Nurses also bear the brunt of the predictable results of short-
staffing: every time a nurse goes to work when there are too few nurses
working that shift, she puts her nursing license in jeopardy. Pursuant
to Nevada statute (NAG Sec. 632.895), a registered nurse can be
subject to disciplinary action from the Nevada State Nursing Board if a
patient suffers harm as a consequence of an act or an omission that
could have been reasonably foreseen, up to and including suspending or
revoking a nurse's license.\18\ We have already explained the link
between low nurse staffing levels and adverse patient outcomes
including an increased risk of mortality. Yet another comprehensive
study has found that rates of ``failure to rescue'' deaths increased
when registered nurses were responsible for too many patients.
(``Failure to rescue,'' is the death of a patient from complications
including pneumonia, shock or cardiac arrest, upper gastrointestinal
bleeding, sepsis or deep venous thrombosis.) Given that early
identification of medical problems can decrease the risk of death in
``failure to rescue'' mortalities, inadequate staffing levels further
increases the risk of harm to patients, thereby increasing the risk of
a registered nurse being held responsible and losing his or her
professional license.\19\ In the context of this crisis, further
staffing cuts as a result of this merger will drive even more Nevada
nurses out of the profession.
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\18\ Nevada Administrative Code. Chapter 632. https://
www.leg.state.nv.us/NAC/NAC-632.html.
\19\ Needleman, Jack and Peter Buerhaus, Soeren Mattke, Maureen
Stewart and Katya Zelevinsky, ``Nurse Staffing Levels and the
Quality of Care in Hospitals.'' New England Journal of Medicine,
Vol. 346, No. 22. 5/30/2002.
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These problems will be even more severe in Southern Nevada, where
71.1% \20\ of the hospital market is controlled by for-profit
companies. This concentrated for profit environment is almost unique in
the U.S. A comprehensive review of clinical data from more than 4,000
hospitals in the United States found that for-profit hospitals
consistently have worse outcomes than non-profit hospitals on three
common medical conditions: congestive heart failure, heart attack and
pneumonia.\21\ The difference in quality may be attributed to the
difference in accountability, while publicly-owned and non-profit
hospitals are accountable to the community. for-profit hospitals are
only accountable to their shareholders and, as a result, focus on
strategies that increase profitability rather than strategies to
benefit the community.\22\
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\20\ Quality Care Nevada. ``Hospitals and Health Systems.''
https://www.qualitycarenevada.org/index.asp?Type=B_
BASIC&SEC={7707D6CB-3079-4EF0-A9D6-B81FB8D31E7F{time} .
\21\ Landon, Bruce E.. Sharon-Lise T. Normand, Adam Lessler, A.
James O'Malley, Stephen Schmaltz, Jerod M. Loeb and Barbara McNeil.
``Quality of Care for the Treatment of Acute Medical Conditions in
U.S. Hospitals.'' Arch Intern Med, Vol. 166, Dec 11/25, 2006.
\22\ Physicians for a National Healthcare Program. ``New England
Journal of Medicine Article Says Evidence Against For-Profit
Hospitals Now Conclusive.'' August 1999. https://www.pnhp.org/news/
1999/august/new_england_journal_.php (Last viewed on 12/7/07).
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The result of this concentration of for-profit hospital ownership
is a relatively poor level of healiheare quality in Clark County. A
Medicare Quality Improvement Organization, dedicated to tracking
quality measures in medical settings, routinely ranks Clark County
hospitals in the bottom half of our nation's hospitals in a wide-range
of quality measures. In fact. some Clark County hospitals scored as low
as the 6th and 7th percentile of all U.S. hospitals.\23\
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\23\ Health Insight. https://www.healthinsight.org (Last viewed
on 10/31/07).
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The PFJ approving the United/Sierra merger will exacerbate these
problems and diminish the level of health care quality. The ability of
patients and doctors to determine the appropriate level of care will be
weakened. Nurses that are working with inadequately low staffing levels
will be faced with an additional risk to staffing levels and safe,
quality patient care will be needlessly jeopardized.
II. Sierra Health Services & HCA: A Case Study of Anticompetitive
Impact on Qualily & Access in Nevada
History demonstrates how the dominance of one health insurer in
this market can harm the health care of children and families in our
community. In Las Vegas we have already experienced the impacts of a
health insurance company using its market dominance to increase their
profits. In January 2007, after a contentious and public contract fight
between Sierra Health Services and HCA hospitals in Clark County,
Sierra Health Services terminated its contract with HCA hospitals
because HCA refused to agree to the low reimbursement rates Sierra was
demanding. When the contract was terminated, Sierra's 620,000 members
were no longer able to access services at the three HCA hospitals in
Clark County.
Children have been harmed the most by Sierra's decision. Sunrise
Hospital, which is owned by HCA, specializes in pediatric care.
Children are no longer able to access pediatric neurologists or
pediatric radiologists in Clark County and may have to travel as far as
Los Angeles to receive this level of specialized care. Children with
cancer are no longer eligible to participate in protocol treatments at
Sunrise Hospital. Patients who come to the Emergency Room at Sunrise
Hospital who are covered by Sierra Health Services' products have to be
transferred to a different hospital as soon as they are stabilized,
including women in labor. Patients are sometimes forced to move from
hospital to hospital to access all the care they need. We know of one
patient, for example, who had to go to Sunrise Hospital to have a
pacemaker removed and was then transferred to another hospital to have
a new one inserted due to insurance demands.
After Sierra Health Services dropped HCA, Sierra Health Services
required their enrollees to be directed to other hospitals in Clark
County. Our nurses who work at the other hospitals saw first hand the
impact of having 620,000 consumers suddenly redirected to their
hospitals. A nurse at Valley Hospital reported that their Intensive
Care Units, Emergency Room and Operating Room became overwhelmed with
heart patients and other critically ill patients. Universal Health
Services, the for-profit corporation that owns Valley Hospital, is
already known for short staffing its Registered Nurses, so when
Sierra's decision took effect, Operating Room and Recovery Room RNs and
techs were on call at the hospital for 16-20 hours
[[Page 49842]]
every day. Emergency Room RNs had to take 4 to 8 patients each, and
patients were forced to stay in the Emergency Room for